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Indonesia’s UAE gamble on Palestine is misguided

Dr. Muhammad Zulfikar Rakhmat
2 weeks ago
Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto at the Turkish Grand National Assembly in Ankara, Turkiye on April 10, 2025. [TGNA - Anadolu Agency]

Indonesian President Prabowo Subianto at the Turkish Grand National Assembly in Ankara, Turkiye on April 10, 2025. [TGNA - Anadolu Agency]

Indonesian president Prabowo Subianto’s visit to Abu Dhabi this week and his overture to the United Arab Emirates (UAE) to find solutions to the Palestinian genocide raise serious ethical and strategic questions. While diplomacy and global partnerships are central to Indonesia’s foreign policy identity, the choice of partner and the political motivations behind these efforts matter deeply — especially when the lives of Palestinians are at stake.

By reaching out to the UAE — a country that normalised relations with Israel through the 2020 Abraham Accords — Prabowo risks aligning Indonesia with actors complicit in the ongoing suffering of Palestinians. The UAE’s close relationship with Israel is not a secret. Abu Dhabi has deepened economic, military and technological cooperation with Tel Aviv over the past five years. It is disingenuous, if not outright cynical, to frame such a state as a neutral humanitarian partner in Gaza while its ties with Israel have arguably emboldened Israeli impunity.

READ: UAE to invest $10m in Israeli arms company

What makes Prabowo’s move even more troubling is the timing and context. His call for UAE assistance came amid a series of bilateral agreements — eight in total — ranging from security cooperation to renewable energy and livestock investment. That these agreements were sealed during a visit ostensibly framed around Gaza paints a picture of humanitarian concern being used as a tool for economic diplomacy. Indonesia must not treat Palestinian suffering as a bargaining chip to enhance ties with a wealthy partner.

During the visit, Prabowo also asked for the UAE’s support for his evacuation plan of Gazans to Indonesia. While perhaps well-intentioned, this proposal plays directly into the hands of Israeli and .. agendas. Evacuation, under current circumstances, is not a neutral act. With Israel having taken control of more than half of Gaza and having repeatedly bombarded refugee camps and hospitals, any evacuation plan would require Israeli approval. That permission comes at a cost — and it is often spun into propaganda.

Evacuation risks legitimising Israel’s long-standing ambition: the permanent removal of Palestinians from their land. US President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu have repeatedly pushed ideas to depopulate Gaza under the guise of humanitarian necessity. Prabowo’s plan, however inadvertently, could be co-opted to give international cover to this agenda. Worse, it could aid Israel in reframing its brutal campaign in Gaza as a humanitarian success story of “safe passage” facilitated by its regional allies.

There is also a looming domestic backlash. Indonesia, facing budget deficits, sluggish economic growth and widespread layoffs, can ill afford to commit substantial resources to a large-scale humanitarian airlift — especially one whose motives are increasingly being viewed with skepticism. In the absence of clear national consensus, this proposal risks being seen not as an act of compassion but a desperate political manoeuvre to recover Prabowo’s declining popularity.

Even among those who support Indonesia’s firm stance on Palestine, there is concern that this kind of high-level theatre dilutes the authenticity of Indonesia’s solidarity. Real solidarity means advocating for justice, accountability and the right of return for Palestinian refugees — not relocating them under duress to third countries or refugee camps with no future.

READ: ‘Gazans evacuated for medical treatment fear they’ll never be allowed back home’

Prabowo’s statements about “consulting with regional leaders” and seeking “peaceful solutions” echo standard diplomatic language, but they fall short when the chosen interlocutors are part of the problem. Instead of turning to the UAE, Indonesia should be strengthening alliances with countries and movements that have consistently stood for Palestinian self-determination — not those who normalised relations with Israel while Gaza burned.

There are alternatives. Indonesia can play a far more constructive role through international forums, humanitarian relief via neutral NGOs, and continued political pressure on Israel through the UN and the International Court of Justice (ICJ). Jakarta should also rally support among Global South partners — many of whom are growing weary of Western double standards on human rights

To be clear, Indonesia has long been a champion of the Palestinian cause. It is one of the few Muslim-majority countries that has consistently refused normalisation with Israel, and public sentiment remains strongly pro-Palestinian. But that moral high ground is at risk if our leaders begin to blur the lines between diplomacy and opportunism.

Palestinian lives must not become a backdrop for state visits or a justification for trade deals. Gaza is not a stage for photo ops. It is a graveyard of children, a prison of refugees, and a symbol of resistance. To claim to help while empowering those who enable the occupier is not solidarity — it is complicity.

Prabowo still has time to correct the course. His overtures to the UAE as a partner in addressing the Palestinian genocide are profoundly misguided. A state that normalised ties with Israel and continues to strengthen that relationship cannot be trusted as a credible actor in the Palestinian struggle for justice. Indonesia must not lend legitimacy to such actors under the pretense of humanitarian diplomacy.

Indonesia’s legacy of principled support for Palestine should not be traded away for economic deals or diplomatic prestige. Indonesia’s voice in the world carries weight not because of its wealth, but because of its moral clarity — especially when it comes to standing with the oppressed. That voice must remain uncompromised.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.

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