The int’l community is slowly cracking down on Israel's foreign fighters and the butchers of Gaza

Walking through the airport of a popular European capital in April, it was difficult to miss the presence of hundreds of Israelis scattered throughout the terminals.

To the untrained eye and at first sight, one would mistake their tanned features and foreign accents for one of the myriad Mediterranean nationalities. But it is upon closer observation that you realise they do not wholly fit the characteristics of either Italians, Greeks, Spaniards, Turks, nor any of the Levantine or North African peoples.

And when catching onto a certain swagger and aloofness, along with the peculiarity of their accents, you finally come to the realisation that they are undoubtedly Israeli.

Fine, you initially think, there is nothing to see here except for tourists from a controversial news-breaking nation. Then you begin to notice that not all of them are happy families enjoying a European break, but among them are young men and adults of military age and athletic build, whose dress-sense and gait fit the stereotype of a soldier on leave.

To those who keep up with events in the Middle East and are not wholly oblivious to the current state of affairs – to put it lightly – in the Gaza Strip and the wider occupied Palestinian territories, there is a point where one eventually realises that that is exactly what those young men and women are, and that the scene before you is likely not as innocent as you believed it to be.

As thousands of civilians from all nationalities and walks of life stroll by, unaware that beside them and around them are individuals who were potentially involved in or complicit in a war crime at some point over the past year and a half – and countless other instances before that.

The Gaza Genocide: the fall of Israel’s immunity

While it is difficult to determine the exact number or percentage of Israeli tourists abroad who are former or current members of the Israeli military, particularly those who have participated in the invasion and bombardment of Gaza, it can safely be assumed that most – if not the vast majority – of those tourists are directly tied to the occupation forces in some capacity.

As is well known, military service in Israel is mandatory for Jewish citizens and requires that men serve three years and women serve two years, between the ages of 18 and 21. That has been the case since the establishment of the state of Israel 77 years ago, meaning that practically all Jewish Israelis, aside from some now-previous exceptions such as the orthodox Haredim, have served in the Israeli military at some point in their lives.

The ties do not stop there, but usually continue even afterwards, with many being placed in the reserves and able to be called up for combat when needed. Others enter other components of the occupation’s defence and intelligence apparatus, serving in domestic or foreign agencies, or in companies directly or indirectly tied to that system.

An Israeli working in a Tel Aviv-based tech startup, for example, could still be accessible to the military due to their company’s dealings with Israeli occupation forces and arms contracts, or at least through the oversight of their colleagues and superiors who most certainly also have a military or intelligence background while likely maintaining contact with those units.

An Israeli national settled in Cyprus or the United States could be another example, with their work or dual nationality serving to veil their military background while they climb up the corporate ladder disguised as just any other hardworking native or expat.

The Israeli military intelligence Unit 8200 is a prime example of that, with its alumni having founded, led, and worked in an entire network of firms scattered worldwide, and whose roots have been planted deep inside Silicon Valley’s ecosystem over the years.

Not every Israeli taking a holiday abroad is a member of the military or arms apparatus, of course, and amongst those who are, not all of them have necessarily committed war crimes or are even sympathetic to such violations. Israeli society, including its militarised components, shares similar characteristics to most other societies – division, disagreement and variety.

READ: Israel army faces crisis in morale among its troops

That has at least been made clear from the rising number of Israeli conscripts who increasingly speak out against war crimes and refuse to serve in the military.

It does not negate valid concerns, however. The sheer amount of civilians who have served in the occupation forces, continue to serve in them, and have links to them makes the odds of complicity in Gaza’s genocide and the wider occupation too great to ignore

And the international community is now refusing to ignore it, too. Just over the past year, countries and their legal systems have increasingly been making moves against Israeli soldiers and reservists holidaying or living abroad.

Back in January, in what was cited as a “historic moment”, a court in Brazil ordered an investigation into an Israeli soldier in the country as a tourist, over his alleged involvement in war crimes in Gaza – where he had participated in demolishing civilian homes – prompting him to flee the country.

Police in the United Kingdom have also revealed that they will be looking into reports of British citizens fighting in Gaza and taking part in war crimes there, with a 240-page report having been submitted to authorities accusing ten Britons of involvement in the forced displacement of Palestinian civilians and coordinated attacks on civilian or medical sites.

In other European states, too, Israeli military personnel have not felt safe, including two Israeli soldiers who fled the Dutch capital Amsterdam in February over fears of investigations into their alleged war crimes, following their online exposures.

Much of those incidents have been thanks to accounts and organisations – namely the Israel Genocide Tracker page and the Hind Rajab Foundation – that have dedicated themselves to seeking out, identifying and tracking Israeli soldiers abroad, particularly those who are clearly implicit in war crimes and human rights violations through evidence including photos, footage, and social media content.

Such exposure has since resulted in a number of tangible outcomes, prompting some to impose measures on Israelis. This month, the Maldives banned Israeli passport holders and  nationals from entry, and a hotel in Japan has resorted to asking Israeli tourists to sign a declaration denying involvement in war crimes.

Israel’s military has been forced to adapt to this new reality, imposing new rules on soldiers and reservists who travel abroad, including guidelines on their social media use and publicity, as well as restrictions on active soldiers’ media coverage, while it warns personnel of the risk of legal action if they are caught abroad.

It has long been known that as the occupation and its willing soldiers continue to commit atrocities in Gaza and the occupied territories, attempting to cleanse Palestinians from their land, they lose credibility and any remaining respect by much of the international community. But with the direct targeting and legal challenges emerging worldwide against war criminals, there will also seemingly be a price to pay which is beyond reputational.

READ: Foreigners fighting for Israel in Gaza are war criminals and mercenaries. Period

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.