So that the UN Security Council resolution does not become a cover for genocide

According to The Washington Post, in a “dirty” location within an industrial area in Kiryat Gat, a once-abandoned three-storey building has been used as the headquarters of the US-led Civil and Military Coordination Centre (CMCC) for monitoring the Gaza ceasefire and facilitating the entry of humanitarian aid. The CMCC brings together representatives from more than forty states and organisations, including the United States, Germany, Britain, France, the UAE, Jordan, Egypt, Denmark, Australia, Cyprus, and New Zealand.

Every state that backed the occupation whether at the military, political, or the security level over the two years of the genocidal war is participating in the Centre, with each one of them appearing so eager to get a share of the war booty.

Unlike the polished image the states involved attempt to portray, which claims their mission is to prevent violations, allow the entry of aid, and restore security ahead of reconstruction, the reality reveals that their mission is as dirty as the building in which they operate. Their primary preoccupation is not restraining the machinery of death and destruction but rather drafting plans to disarm the Palestinian factions, even if this requires the use of force, which is a demand Israel is strongly pressing for.

Giant screens linked to surveillance satellites, operated by military and security experts, monitor every movement in the Gaza Strip — counting the breaths of its people — while allowing Israeli forces on land, sea, and air to act freely without restrictions or oversight. Since the ceasefire agreement came into effect on 10 October 2025, Palestinian fire has ceased entirely, yet the occupation has continued shooting, shelling, and even violating the designated “yellow line” set for its troop positions, expanding further westward. Israel has also failed to comply with the humanitarian protocol governing the entry of aid — in both quantity and type — as well as the opening of crossings and the evacuation of the wounded and sick.

More than 500 violations have been recorded since the ceasefire began. Under the orchestrated narrative of “Palestinian breaches” promoted by Israel’s propaganda machine, 27 alleged breaches were used to justify attacks that killed 27 Palestinians and wounded 87, bringing the total death toll from ceasefire violations to 342 and 875 wounded, alongside vast destruction and the obstruction of agreed-upon delivery of humanitarian aid.

The Violations have become routine. Netanyahu even boasts after every breach that it was carried out in coordination with the US administration and the Joint Coordination Committee, claiming he receives a green light for attacks. These claims carry weight: despite the severity of the violations and the scale of human and material losses they cause, not a single statement has been issued denying US involvement or even urging Israel to abide by the ceasefire. This strongly suggests that Washington and the Committee are active partners in these violations.

Meanwhile, the armed militias collaborating with the occupation — which should be the first to be disarmed and dismantled — continue to operate freely in areas under Israeli control. New factions have even appeared. Reports indicate that these militias are being prepared to “impose security” in the territories Israel controls once reconstruction begins — a blatant violation of the ceasefire agreement.

In stark contrast to Trump’s plan, which explicitly rejected displacement and affirmed Gaza for its people, it has now been revealed that an Israeli security-run company called Majd Europe has been organising flights for hundreds of Gazans under the watch of the CMCC from the Kerem Shalom crossing to Ramon Airport in the Negev, and from there to Indonesia, Malaysia, and South Africa, under the guise of promoting “voluntary migration”.

A grim reality has emerged: after two years of genocide, and despite the ceasefire and the handover of the surviving captives and most of the bodies, Gaza’s population now lives in profound uncertainty about what lies ahead. Trump’s promises — made in his capacity as “President of Peace” — to be fair to both sides have evaporated. There is growing fear that escalating violations may lead to the collapse of the ceasefire, revealing that the agreement was nothing more than a trap designed to strip Palestinian factions of their leverage before resuming the war.

These concerns are reinforced by the fact that Netanyahu and his government, with tacit American collaboration (under the pressure of political blackmail), are gradually withdrawing from the ceasefire agreement. Many signs point to their bad faith. The occupation seizes every opportunity to allege a violation and then unleashes its firepower on innocent civilians. Even more alarming is the formation of a ministerial committee to oversee the implementation of Phase II of the agreement — a phase that has not even begun — which includes among its members Ben-Gvir and Smotrich, both staunch opponents of the agreement and eager advocates of returning to war.

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The choices before Palestinians are all bitter ones. They cannot respond militarily to violations, nor does the international community possess any real deterrent capable of restraining Netanyahu. Meanwhile, certain Arab states, especially the UAE, are playing a malign role, undermining efforts to pressure the US and Netanyahu. Instead of pushing for adherence to the ceasefire terms, they lobby against Türkiye and Qatar, insisting they be excluded from any future security or reconstruction force.

This dark reality and the slow transition to the second phase of the agreement must not lead to despair. What may help thwart the constellation of conspiracies now aligned with Netanyahu’s agenda is an unwavering insistence and holding fast to the positive components of the UN Security Council resolution endorsing Trump’s peace plan.

We witnessed how, for two years of genocide, the Security Council repeatedly failed to pass a single resolution calling for a ceasefire due to the US veto. The only recourse was the Emergency Special Session of the General Assembly, which issued important resolutions to halt the genocide, however due to lack of political will for implementation, they remained unimplemented like hundreds of other decisions over decades of conflict.

Thus, despite valid criticism of the Security Council resolution, it nevertheless carries significant weight, as it affirms key provisions including consolidating the ceasefire, entry of humanitarian aid, reconstruction, and albeit conditional, a political pathway guaranteeing the right to self-determination and the establishment of a state.

The resolution reflects a form of political realism as there is no alternative in the current imbalance of power internationally, nor against Netanyahu’s Western-backed emboldened brutality and appetite to resume the genocidal war that devastated Gaza and the people of the Strip who still face a long road to recovery from the horrors inflicted upon them.

In the face of a highly complex political landscape, and drawing on the bitter experience of two years of genocide, supporters of the agreement must do whatever is necessary to strip the conspiracy network of all pretexts and turn the table on Netanyahu. The tragedy in Gaza is intolerable, and the current reality demands a measure of wisdom, strategic manoeuvring, and intelligent diplomacy to pave the way for entering Phase II of the agreement in a manner that protects the interests of Gaza’s population and minimizes the political losses that continue to ravage the Palestinian cause as a whole.

The UN Security Council resolution must be regarded as the central point of reference — the instrument that prevents displacement, preserves the ceasefire, enables reconstruction, and removes from Israel every pretext it uses to divide the Strip into zones under its control and others under the factions. Israel presents the former as a supposed “heaven on earth,” enjoying security and prosperity, a safe environment for the deployment of international forces and the start of reconstruction, while painting the latter as regions “ruled by terrorists” and engulfed in chaos, which should therefore be denied reconstruction projects.

At this stage, every effort must be devoted to implementing the Security Council resolution and making it the headline of all political discourse addressing the catastrophe produced by the war of genocide. What could accelerate the transition to Phase II is for supporters of the agreement, in coordination with the Palestinian factions, to send clear assurances to the states expected to participate in the international force — confirming that there will be no confrontation, and that the issue of weapons will be resolved through dialogue in a way that serves the people of Gaza, the future of the Strip, and the broader Palestinian cause.

Mediators must also make the US administration understand that there is no alternative to direct dialogue with the Palestinian factions on all matters related to the deployment of the international force and the administration of the Strip. Despite the severe blows they endured, it has become evident that the factions hold the decisive ability to maintain security in Gaza. After the ceasefire agreement entered into force, an unprecedented state of discipline emerged, and no significant security violations were recorded.

The fragile ceasefire was the product of a bitter deal with the US administration, brokered by Egypt, Qatar, and Turkiye, resulting in Israel retaining control of 5 per cent of the Strip. Killings, destruction, and obstruction of aid deliveries have continued. This makes continued coordination with the mediators indispensable for enforcing the Security Council resolution as the only viable path capable of achieving the goals that the ceasefire agreement failed to deliver.

Urgent action is required to break the paralysis surrounding the implementation of the Security Council resolution and to pressure the US administration, placing it squarely before its legal and moral responsibilities so that the resolution does not become a cover for the ongoing genocide. This demands generating strong international and regional momentum to push implementation forward. The first step must be returning to the Security Council to present the grave violations committed by the occupation and to demand the measures required by the situation. The current silence in the face of Israel’s crimes — including blocking aid and tents as winter begins — only encourages Netanyahu to escalate further and sabotage Trump’s plan.

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