In most parts of the world, a patient’s journey to treatment begins at the hospital door.
In Gaza, it begins at the door of politics, passes through layers of security and often never reaches a doctor at all. The occupation has reduced the Gazan to a dossier, rather than a human life.
What is being presented today as the “opening” of the Rafah crossing cannot in all seriousness be described as a breakthrough for humanitarian effort. Rather, it’s a re-engineering of the siege, repackaged in calmer language and administered with tighter control. Movement is not governed by need or rights, but by lists, quotas and prior security approvals, turning the most basic human necessities into temporary exemptions.
Under the current arrangements, it is now broadly established that departure from Gaza is not open to the public. Exit is largely restricted to around 50 patients per day, each permitted only two companions, and only after navigating complex and highly restrictive security procedures.
In practical terms, the crossing is not opened to society, but to narrowly defined medical cases, treated as isolated administrative files rather than part of a wider humanitarian reality.
At the same time, approximately three times that figure are allowed to leave Gaza daily, also subject to security clearance, while entry into Gaza is capped at far lower levels, often not exceeding fifty people per day.
This imbalance is not a technical oversight. It reflects a deliberate logic of movement management: exit is facilitated more than entry; departure is easier than return. The crossing becomes a mechanism for quietly reshaping demographic reality through bureaucratic tools and humanitarian rhetoric.
This raises unavoidable questions.
What of those whose needs are not medical? Students whose education has been interrupted for instance? Workers, professionals, and families separated by circumstances beyond their control? And what of the tens of thousands who left Gaza earlier and now seek to return to their homes?
READ: Rafah crossing officially reopens
Waiting lists for returning to Gaza have reportedly registered more than 20,000 people, suspended between a legitimate desire to return and a system that treats return not as a right, but as a discretionary request; subject to being postponed indefinitely or simply denied.
None of this diminishes the urgent humanitarian needs of Gaza’s population. The need for treatment, travel, and survival amid a shattered healthcare system is undeniable to most of us and cannot be trivialised. However, recognising humanitarian necessity does not mean accepting a framework that turns crossings into silent channels of displacement or remaining silent as policies systematically ease exit while obstructing return.
The practical outcome is already visible: departures increase, medical cases accumulate abroad, return becomes uncertain amid Gaza becoming systematically emptied.
This places direct responsibility on the mediators of the current arrangements and all those operating under the pretext of “humanitarian coordination”. Their role cannot be limited to managing numbers and procedures, but must include protecting demographic and human balance and ensuring that medical exit does not become a one-way path.
Crossings are not neutral technical instruments. They are political decisions with existential consequences. Any framework that allows far more people to leave than to return, under occupation control and security approval, effectively serves the long-term entrenchment of domination, regardless of the humanitarian language used to justify it.
And while Gazans are searched, screened, listed and counted, their movement monitored every moment of every single day, the perpetrators of mass violence move freely across the world.
Here, the contradiction becomes impossible to ignore.
Those convicted of war crimes and crimes against humanity are not subjected to travel bans, inspections, or procedural restrictions. Airports do not close to them. No lists are reviewed before their passage. Instead, they are reintegrated politically.
READ: Israel bans Doctors Without Borders from Gaza
Benjamin Netanyahu, whose central responsibility for the devastation of Gaza has been firmly established, is not isolated. He is received, platformed, and even incorporated into initiatives branded as projects for “peace”. What kind of peace seats the convicted perpetrator while leaving the victims behind barriers?
A peace that bypasses accountability is not peace. Arrangements that evade responsibility are not solutions. And any “humanitarian process” that does not end with an end to violence and accountability for those responsible is not merely incomplete; it is dangerous.
Gaza does not need screening corridors, nor does it require a better-managed siege. It needs an end to aggression, a genuinely balanced and unconditional opening of crossings, and clear guarantees for both the right to medical treatment and the right to return.
Reducing the Gazan to a “humanitarian case subject to security clearance” is more dangerous than the siege itself, in more ways than one. It normalises the crime, empties justice of meaning and allows those convicted of mass violence to participate in shaping the future of their victims.
Gaza does not seek validation from anyone, nor does it yearn for recognition of its humanity from a system that built its illusion of security on Gaza’s very destruction. Gaza is not a burden on the world nor is it a humanitarian spreadsheet. It is a besieged land because its people chose steadfastness against oppression and injustice, and a population targeted because its resistance disrupts the ideology of domination.
What is unfolding at the crossings is not administrative failure, but a strategy: breaking will by emptying space, slowly, quietly and with the marks of officialdom. Gaza places no faith in the world’s justice nor does it await it to play fair or show sympathy.
While it exposes the crime committed against it, it refuses to be reduced to a dossier and a case number. Indeed, as long as Gaza resists, it will remain impossible to turn it into a one-way corridor.
OPINION: Trump’s “Peace Council”: When Spain says no, and those claiming to stand with Palestine say yes
The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.








