The Middle East needs a future in which security is shared and disputes are settled through diplomacy. President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s address to the Turkish Parliament on 1 October offered an important starting point: Türkiye’s ability to contribute to regional peace rests partly on the strength of its own society.
Erdoğan linked regional threats to domestic divisions and placed the goal of a terrorism-free Türkiye within a wider discussion of national strength. My reading of his message is straightforward: a country that builds trust among its citizens gains greater freedom to act beyond its borders.
For Türkiye, lasting progress against terrorism would protect lives, free resources for education and development and give diplomacy greater room to work. Success must be measured by lasting security, public confidence and respect for the rule of law.
Domestic unity also requires room for disagreement. Citizens should be able to debate their country’s future while sharing responsibility for its security. A society that resolves differences peacefully is better placed to help its neighbours do the same.
Erdoğan also warned that outside actors can exploit divisions within societies. The practical response should be stronger institutions, equal citizenship and regional dialogue. Treating ethnic or religious diversity as a permanent security problem risks deepening the divisions that outside powers might exploit.
In my recent article, “Five Centuries of Unchanging Geopolitics”, I argued that Türkiye’s security and prosperity must be understood alongside developments beyond its borders. Syria, Iraq, the Eastern Mediterranean and the Gulf form an interconnected neighbourhood. Instability in one area can disrupt trade, energy supplies and confidence elsewhere.
Türkiye should therefore support the territorial integrity of Syria and Iraq, oppose terrorism and encourage political arrangements that protect all communities. Sustainable stability requires people to have a stake in their country’s future. Reconstruction, functioning public services and economic opportunity should be treated as investments in regional security.
These principles also shape my view of Palestine, which must remain central to any credible regional peace effort. A regional order that leaves Palestinian rights unresolved will remain vulnerable to recurring conflict.
Palestinians have the right to freedom, dignity and a viable state. Israelis have the right to live without terrorism, rockets or hostage-taking. These rights must be upheld together.
As I have argued before, no Israeli is safe until Palestinians are safe, and no Palestinian is safe until Israelis are safe.
This principle requires concrete political choices. Protecting civilians, ensuring humanitarian access and rejecting forced displacement should be basic obligations. Palestinian self-determination cannot be postponed indefinitely while the international community discusses security arrangements that offer Palestinians no credible political future.
The Netanyahu government’s approach should be challenged wherever it undermines the possibility of a political settlement. Military force cannot resolve Palestinian statelessness. Attempts to secure lasting peace through domination will deepen insecurity for both peoples.
Lasting security requires a credible path towards two states based on the 1967 lines, with mutually agreed adjustments and effective guarantees for both peoples. Such a process must address sovereignty, Jerusalem, settlements and refugees. Declaring support for two states while allowing the conditions for that outcome to disappear is no substitute for diplomacy.
Criticism must remain focused on policies and those responsible for them. Netanyahu is not Israel, and opposing his government’s actions must never become hostility towards Jews or Israelis as a people. Equally, concern for Israeli security cannot justify denying Palestinians the same rights.
Türkiye should work with Arab partners, the United States and Europe to turn this principle into a serious political effort. Humanitarian support must be accompanied by a credible diplomatic horizon. Reconstruction should help Palestinians rebuild their lives and exercise their rights, with meaningful Palestinian participation in decisions about their future.
The same commitment to diplomacy should guide efforts to prevent wider confrontation involving Iran and the Gulf. Regional states need reliable communication channels, practical measures to reduce miscalculation and a shared interest in keeping trade routes open.
Arrangements for maritime safety and regular diplomatic contact can help prevent incidents from escalating. These steps do not require governments to settle every disagreement first. They require recognition that uncontrolled conflict threatens everyone’s security and prosperity. Türkiye should help build this cooperation.
Erdoğan’s emphasis on defence production also deserves attention. Strong defence capabilities can give diplomacy greater credibility by deterring attacks and creating space for negotiation. Their value should also be judged by the conflicts they help prevent.
In my article on Suleyman the Magnificent and diplomacy, I argued that a country’s influence at the negotiating table depends on the capabilities behind it. These include economic strength, trusted institutions and the ability to build partnerships.
At the Economist summit in Thessaloniki, I stressed that allies should strengthen one another. This principle should guide cooperation between Türkiye, the United States and Europe in the Middle East. Shared security requires serious consultation and respect for each other’s legitimate concerns.
The strongest lesson I draw from Erdoğan’s speech is that peace at home and influence abroad must reinforce each other. Türkiye can put that principle into practice by strengthening public trust, protecting its citizens and keeping diplomatic channels open.
The Middle East needs governments prepared to make peace politically possible. Türkiye should use its strength to help deliver it.
The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.








