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Gulf States penalise Qatar for 'support' of Muslim Brotherhood

March 29, 2014 at 1:11 pm

After a brief spat between Qatar and UAE over a provocative sermon, Foreign Ministers across the GCC have been quick to assure each other, and the public, that relations between the Gulf States are good. But as diplomatic dressings are hurriedly applied, initial, hastier reactions showed how ostracised Qatar has become over their support for the Muslim Brotherhood.


As usual, the controversial Qatari-based preacher al-Qaradawi had been outspoken in his support for the Islamist group – provoking Sisi’s regime enough to warrant them asking the Qataris to extradite him back to Egypt, after decades in exile. He had recently delivered a sermon calling for Egyptians to commemorate three years since the overthrow of Mubarak, and take to the streets against Sisi.

But on the final Friday of January, al-Qaradawi’s preaching swivelled towards the Gulf, accusing the UAE of “standing against Islamist regimes, punishing its leaders and putting them in jail.” The sermon was broadcast by Qatar’s state television service.

By Sunday, the UAE Ministry of Foreign Affairs had taken the unprecedented step of summoning Qatar’s ambassador for admonishment. They claimed that top-level requests had been made to Doha, asking them to disavow al-Qaradawi’s comments, and had not been responded to. Qatar’s ambassador was handed a “formal letter of protest,” indicating diplomatic disgust. UAE’s Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Dr Anwar Gargash, also issued a lengthy and hotly worded statement to the UAE and international press.

Relations appeared to simmer down in the following two days, with Qatar assuring UAE that the words of Al Qaradawi didn’t reflect official policy, and Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed, Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi, asserting that relations between the UAE and Doha remained strong : “Nothing can separate between us and our brothers in Qatar.

From there on – it was al-Qaradawi who received the brunt of criticism, rather than Doha direct. Dr Abdullatif bin Rashid Al Zayani, the GCC secretary general, called the sermon an “unacceptable provocation, that that only raises sedition and serves the enemies of the Islamic Nation,” while Bahrain’s Foreign Minister, Shaikh Khalid bin Ahmed Al Khalifa, announced “Any affront to the UAE is tantamount to an affront targeting all GCC countries, without exception.”

The UAE regime is touchy regarding the Muslim Brotherhood, having convicted 69 government critics in July 2013 and jailing a further 30 last month. All were accused of being members of al-Islah, a peaceful Islamist group in UAE, with alleged links to Egypt’s Brotherhood. UAE’s rulers say a plot had been brewing to overthrow the regime – although human rights groups contest this and say the trial was unfair, littered with torture allegations and unconstitutional. A Qatari doctor is amongst the detained.

UAE will also be introducing compulsory military service for young Emirati men, a move which analysts say highlights the Gulf state’s concern over regional stability. While Iran is still a mild concern, Dubai stands to benefit from post-sanctions trade and is gunning for restrictions to be lifted as soon as possible. Abu Dhabi and Tehran have also wrapped up a long-standing territorial dispute, so any immediate Persian threat appears distant. That said, internal security could still need addressing – the military enrolment will triple the available forces and complement an enhanced state security apparatus which is aggressively suppressing any whisperings of dissent.

Sweeping legislation – including nationwide ID cards now installed with biometric data, and a “Cybercrimes” law aimed at policing social media, shows how modern technologies are also being deployed, and privacy potentially eroded. The biometric database of all citizens is the largest in the world. All of these moves appear to be accompanied by a carefully constructed government PR campaign : coverage in the UAE press, known to be heavily influenced by government policy, constantly remind Emirati citizens of the threat posed by the Muslim Brotherhood (echoing post 9-11 paranoia in the West). Police and military sources issue continuous statements playing up the Islamist threat, and the political establishment has been quick to denounce attempts by al-Islah to announce their maltreatment, with members of the FNC, local analysts and a Minister of State criticising a Guardian piece . The UAE sent congratulations to Sisi after the deposal of Morsi in less than an hour. The rise of the security state, poised to crush Islamism, coincides with the ascent of the Crown Prince, Abu Dhabi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan. As early as 2006, according to Wikileaks, he met with US officials and expressed concern over the Muslim Brotherhood.

Qatar has long been at odds with UAE over its opposing stance to the Muslim Brotherhood. But Doha is now licking its wounds over Sisi’s successful suppression of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt. In a remarkable turnaround, Islamists been publically ostracised, as signified by the 98% support for the constitutional referendum – a result which some analysts say indicates a yearning for stability. Critics say turnout amongst Morsi supporters was forcibly low, after intimidation tactics were used by the government, and that the media are being used as a propaganda instrument to present only Sisi’ vision for Egypt. Popular support for draconian anti-terrorism legislation, admittedly amid a spate of recent bombings, supports this theory. Qatar is left red-faced, and is noticeably absent from Gulf re-investment into commercial and infrastructure projects in Egypt. Doha-funded al-Jazeera journalists now face up trumped-up terrorism charges in Cairo, accused of links to the Muslim Brotherhood.

The diplomatic row, in many ways, is no change from the uneasy status quo within the GCC members, all exceptionally nervous about revolution taking grip and resentful of Qatar’s support for the Brotherhood. If Sisi had not taken such clear control over Egypt in recent months, al-Qaradawi’s remarks would have been unbearably inflammatory for the GCC. And if the new Qatari Emir had not deliberately taken a less provocative foreign policy stance when he took power last year, disquiet with al-Qaradawi’s sermons might have sparked an even greater rift. For the time being, it appears Qatar has backed the wrong horse and the Muslim Brotherhood’s influence has waned enough for the spat to remain diplomatic.

That said, initially hot-blooded remarks from the UAE, the weighing in of the Secretary-General, and Bahrain’s input (perhaps a veiled signal of Saudi Arabia’s disgruntlement), show that Qatar is not held in high regard. In August, Bandar bin Sultan al-Saud, the Saudi internal security chief, mockingly described Qatar as “300 people with a TV station.” Qatar may have resolved itself to a more harmonious foreign policy in the long-term, but in the short-term, falling out of step with the other GCC states has cost them dear.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.