Iraqi government attack on Al-Anbar leads to a bitter outcome

A month has passed since Prime Minister Nouri Al-Maliki made the imprudent decision to take military action against Al-Anbar province. He ordered the troops in on December 30, after an attack on the Abu Alwan tribal area and the arrest of Ahmed Al-Alwani MP; the outcome is obvious to all. On the one hand, we saw yet another example of Al-Anbar’s legendary perseverance added to its honourable record, most notably in the city of Fallujah. It has proven once again its genuine determination and rejection of the government’s policy to impose the status quo, even if the price the people pay for it is blood, martyrs and displacement. On the other hand, the aggressor government forces have faced losses and defeats unlike any other in the history of Iraq.

Generally speaking, the forces facing the government include courageous former military men and those from honourable tribes who have taken to their hearts the responsibility to defend their religion, people, honour, dignity and identity. They are as keen to become martyrs as their enemies are to stay alive; how can fighters of this nature be broken? It is impossible.

Some may ask, what about Al-Qaeda and Da’ash (“Islamic State in Iraq and Greater Syria”)? I do not deny their presences in scattered areas, especially in Fallujah, but despite the media’s exaggeration, the tribes have and will continue to remain in control. Once Al-Maliki leaves Al-Anbar, this phenomenon will fade quickly.

Victory on the battlefield is not only achieved by whichever side has the better weapons, but by whoever has the better soldiers. The prime minister believed that having advanced American and Russian weapons would enable him to break the will of the fighters in Al-Anbar. Although they only have simple weapons, they have high morale, indestructible determination, an unlimited ability to persevere, and their determination to die as martyrs. The army, however, lacks motivation, which is an important element of war. Al-Maliki’s army does not know why it is fighting, how long the fight will go on or even why it is fighting its own people.

Despite the sectarian differences, the conviction to fight merely to please one sect that enables the rule of an oppressive and corrupt regime has not been established. The evidence is clear in the low morale of the government troops.

Al-Maliki has over one million US-trained soldiers at his disposal for internal security, equipped with the latest weapons and equipment. This army is expert at raiding safe houses in the middle of the night, scaring children, violating the sanctity of homes and arresting innocent people. Its soldiers seem happy when they see weak, helpless, innocent civilians surrendering and shaking out of fear of what is going to happen. How can such troops stand up against a determined foe who has honourable motives and is not afraid of martyrdom? It is impossible.

After a month of violent clashes and disastrous government losses, has Al-Maliki realised that his assessment of the situation was wrong, and that he is fighting a losing battle in Al-Anbar, as we suspected? Has he realised that simply throwing more resources at the conflict will not change the course of events but will, instead, inflict more casualties on his army? That he will be left with the military and national disgrace upon his war machine, which will be part of his legacy passed from one generation to the next?

I remember very well how keen the Islamic Dawa Party and representatives of the Shiite alliance parties were in 2005 to include an article in the draft constitution, that was supposed to prohibit future rulers of Iraq from using armed force against their own people, regardless of the circumstances. The first section of Article 9 in the Iraqi constitution reads thus: “The Iraqi armed forces shall defend Iraq, shall not be used as an instrument to oppress the Iraqi people, shall not interfere in political affairs, and shall have no role in the transfer of authority.”

At the time, those who drafted the constitution had in mind the military operations carried out by the former regime in the north and south, and had feared a repeat in the future. They were supported in this due to the people’s conviction that the role of the army was to provide a protective wall around the country and be mobilised in the event of external aggression. Moreover, we believed that as a national institution, it was inappropriate for the army to be used as a tool to resolve political or sectarian disputes. As usual, though, Al-Maliki and his circle were the first to breach this article, and have failed their first test.

I feel bitter and angry when I see the army firing missiles at civilians in Fallujah, Albu Faraj, Ramadi, Abu Ghraib, Tarmiya, southern Baghdad and Diyala. Moreover, I do not feel happy, nor do I wish, to see army vehicles, weapons and equipment being burnt and destroyed by Iraqi hands in my lifetime. I did not want to see our soldiers being taken prisoner by fellow Iraqis. This is, regrettably, what is happening in Al-Anbar, and it is an inevitable result of a catastrophic government policy that, if it continues, will eliminate everything and everybody.

The author is the Vice President of Iraq (resigned). This is a translation of the Arabic text published by Al Sharq newspaper on 6 February, 2014

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.