Al-Sisi and the failed Gaza experiment

With every instance of Israeli aggression on Gaza, the Palestinian people turn their eyes and direct their calls to the Arab states and the Islamic world. There is a particular emphasis on Egypt specifically, not only because it is an Arab country but also because it is the only Arab country that shares a direct border with the Gaza Strip. More importantly, Egypt serves as the Gaza Strip’s only land gateway to the outside world, apart from the crossings into Israel.

And yet we must ask ourselves what Egypt’s official position is concerning the current Israeli aggression. More importantly, are the Palestinians expecting Egypt to play the role of a mediator or a fellow Arab country with common fraternal ties?

There is absolutely no doubt that Egypt’s official position plays a crucial role in the development of events in Gaza. It also plays a significant role on the regional level, especially on the Arab-Israeli conflict where it has had a historical role as an intermediary between the two sides. At best, Egypt’s role as a mediator has served to produce relative calm in the conflict.

When it comes to the current war on Gaza, however, rather than working to alleviate Palestinian suffering, the current Egyptian administration has become part of the problem. Its support of the Israeli-led blockade has made the situation even more difficult for Gaza’s inhabitants.

Since the presidency of the late Anwar Sadat, and the signing of the Camp David accords in 1978, the Egyptian government has been constant in developments of the Palestinian cause; it used to be committed to being a neutral and unbiased mediator. Now, though, it seems that its physical proximity is the only thread that still ties the Egyptian government with the Palestinians.

The Egyptian government’s official position towards the Palestinian cause is as a messenger, delivering Israel’s messages and threats to the Palestinian people in a way that leads them to believe that Egypt knows what is best for them. This is the role that has been played by the Egyptian regime from the moment that Anwar Sadat decided to sign the Camp David accords, which undoubtedly hindered Palestinian efforts and resistance and hurt their steadfastness significantly in the fight against the Israeli occupation.

Unfortunately, under President Abdel Fatah Al-Sisi, Egypt’s policies towards Gaza are very different from those of ousted President Hosni Mubarak. Al-Sisi’s siege on Gaza is not limited to closing off the Rafah border; it has also gone so far as to demonise a number of Palestinian political parties including Hamas, Islamic Jihad and leftist groups that now have rather cool relations with Cairo. Moreover, the government in Egypt now regards Hamas as a terrorist organisation, which is shameful to say the least and cannot be justified by any means whatsoever.

Al-Sisi’s regime failed in the latest test embodied by the aggression against the Gaza Strip as it chose to remain in tune with previous political stances. The Egyptian regime has also made a mistake regarding its official position towards the current Israeli aggression, as it has distanced itself politically from the efforts of the Palestinian resistance because it is committed to its peace agreement with Israel. This continues to alienate Egypt from the Palestinians with the official Egyptian response to Israel’s massacre of civilians arriving in the form of rebukes to the Palestinians: Did we not tell you that this would happen? Did we not warn you of the consequences of armed resistance?

Unfortunately, Al-Sisi’s attitude is one of extreme hostility towards Hamas. In fact, he has been at best indifferent towards many of the Palestinian factions, not only Hamas. This stance is an attempt to export the internal crisis in Egypt and to resolve a number of internal issues. Al-Sisi’s position has very little to do with factors that would ensure both Egypt’s and Palestine’s national security interests.

The regime in Cairo made a mistake when it opposed Hamas and dragged it into Egypt’s internal unrest. This hostility towards Hamas has since been directed towards all Palestinian factions fighting on the ground in the Gaza Strip. Due to the fact that Hamas, Islamic Jihad and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) are the main resistance groups fighting in Gaza, Egypt has abandoned its traditional role as an official mediator. It looks as if Egypt now prefers to stand on the Israeli side, which was made clear in the initiative it proposed to end the aggression against the Palestinians of Gaza.

Al-Sisi’s government also erred when it promoted the numerous media campaigns that demonised the Palestinian resistance led by personalities affiliated with the regime itself. These have created a state of indifference amongst Egyptians towards the Palestinian resistance. This indifference was not there during the Mubarak era, at least not to this degree. Solidarity with the Palestinian cause in the Egyptian street has always existed and it was something that could not have been influenced by any regime or political entity. This demonisation has taken Egypt further into the abyss, while the Palestinians are paying for it with their lives.

Moreover, Al-Sisi’s first speech in regards to the Israeli aggression towards Gaza was one that portrayed Egypt’s role as a crumbling mediator and not as a supportive fellow Arab country. At minimum, Egypt’s position should have at least reflected a reflected a desire for a just solution and a sense of regret for playing a major role in the siege on Gaza, one that has been condemned by most of the international community.

Nobody in any of the Palestinian political factions can turn their back on the disastrous catastrophes that have resulted from this irrational war waged against the Gaza Strip and its people. Nevertheless, it is impossible for anyone in the resistance to go back to square one. No matter which way you look at it, Al-Sisi’s Gaza experiment has been an abject failure.

Translated from Al Jazeera net, 3 July, 2014

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.