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For Moroccans, Palestine tears at the heart but raises the head

August 29, 2014 at 10:54 am

On several occasions, pro-coup Egyptian media levelled insults at Morocco, possibly to retaliate for the Moroccan people’s decrier of the coup. For instance, in August 2013, in Tetouan, a northern city, in the Women’s Voices festival, Egyptian singer Sherine Abdel Wahab commended Abdel Fatah Al-Sisi but the crowd objected to her comments. Reporting the incident, Egyptian media described the concert audience as “members of the Muslim Brotherhood”, neglecting that Moroccans organised mass demonstrations after the violent dismantling of the Cairo sit-ins. Using the Palestinian cause, Egyptian media then accused Morocco of supporting Hamas, even though Morocco “ranks high in AIDS rates and bases economy on prostitution”. ONTV anchor Amani El-Khayat resorted to a 2008 video in which Hamas leader Khaled Meshaal encouraged Moroccans to contribute to freeing Palestine. The video and social mobility within Morocco assert the place Moroccans give to the conflict in Palestine and its complications – but the pro-coup media misunderstand it.

Combining historical and contemporary motives to support Palestine, Rabat and Casablanca are known for large street demonstrations, the largest in the Arab World; the most recent ones happened in July. Whenever Palestinian resistance leaders visit Morocco, they publicly remind Moroccans of their heritage in Jerusalem, especially the Moroccans’ Gate to Al-Aqsa Mosque, and the Moroccan Quarter that was demolished in 1967. Salah Uddin built it for the Moroccan soldiers that participated in freeing Jerusalem eight centuries ago.

For Moroccans today, Israel’s assault on Gaza is a source of grief, a war crime that involves some Moroccan Zionists and a threat to the whole Arab World. Abdelilah Benkirane, head of the Moroccan government, succinctly summarised the Moroccan view of Palestine. He said: “What happens in Gaza tears the hearts, but raises the heads.” Benkiran revealed that he had told US Secretary of State John Kerry that “Israel’s violence is fruitless. If Israel happens to uproot Hamas, there will be another Hamas. All Arabs and Muslims, from Indonesia to Tangier, say they are ready to die to freeg Palestine”. He was explaining that dismantling Hamas is not a logical solution or even a possible solution. Most importantly, he indicated that the Palestinian cause is placed at the heart of Moroccans, encouraged by the fact that the Moroccan king is the president of Al-Quds Committee, that the government is Islamist-led and that Moroccan civil society has diverse support forms and activities.

Before Benkirane, on the same podium, Kamal Al-Khatib, deputy head of the Islamic Movement in the 1948-Occupied Territories, said: “Gaza is not only defending itself, it is defending Jerusalem, Cairo, Baghdad, Makkah and the Medina”, meaning that victory or loss will affect the whole region and that the struggle concerns all Arab capitals. The Palestinian cause does not accept divisions. Gaza and Jerusalem are the same issue, Al-Khatib explained. Moroccans understand the cause as such. They view Israel’s threat as transcending Palestine or Gaza due to Israel’s attempts at deepening cultural splits and encouraging minorities to advocate for their rights openly.

In Moroccan political and cultural scapes, Palestine often unites Moroccans, despite their differences. In street marches or sit-ins, groups of leftists, Islamists and liberals walk shoulder to shoulder. Intellectual, political and cultural differences retreat, while general slogans are chanted. As Israel was destroying Palestinian homes and targeting victims, four Moroccan senior lawyers filed a lawsuit against Israel’s Major General Sami Turgeman for war crimes.

Born in Marrakech in 1964, Turgeman is the current commander of the IDF Southern Command, meaning he is directly responsible for the assault on Gaza. A few months earlier, the Moroccan Observatory against Normalisation with Israel, an NGO, presented a draft law that criminalises normalising relationships with Israel. They invited the parliament and political parties to support the initiative, and received the consent of four MP groups – representing different ideologies and political positions – to pass the law. The draft condemns both normalising activities in Morocco or visits to Israel. Also, Alittihad Alishtiraki newspaper had to withdraw its August 27 issue because it contained an article that accused Hamas of using Palestinians as human shields. The withdrawal and the apology align with the general Moroccan position towards Palestine.

The BDS Movement is also very active in Morocco. For instance, last month, their president in Morocco, Sion Assidon, a Jewish businessman in Casablanca and the founding secretary-general of Transparency Maroc, announced that a Moroccan company of children’s nappies imported raw materials from Israel. Immediately, calls for boycotting its products went viral on the internet. The company quickly issued a press release denying the accusation and ascertaining that it has no relations with “child killers”. It blamed the shipping company instead and promised to guarantee that their products are not related to Israel.

A slogan often chanted in street marches says “from Morocco to Palestine, one people not two”. Moroccans, generally, consider the Palestinian cause to be theirs. They keep it away from political outbidding. That’s why different political and cultural factions have invited Moroccans to organise activities to celebrate the victory of the Palestinian resistance. The recent reconciliation agreement between Fatah and Hamas further limited breaches over Palestinian ramifications. Supporting Palestinians during the assault received all the focus, marginalising disputes over which part to side with: the resistance or the authority. Within an atmosphere of victory, both Osama Hamdan, Hamas’ representative, and Amine Abou Hassira, Palestinian ambassador in Rabat, were distinguished guests that addressed the spectators at the Unification and Reform Movement’s national assembly on August 9.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.