Blocked democracy and the rise of extremism

In 1992 the Algerian army staged a coup d’état to prevent the Islamic Salvation Front (FIS), a popular Islamic party, from winning what would have been the country’s first democratic elections. Social, political and economic discontent had caused instability in Algeria since 1988 which led to the downfall of the single party system; it was that which had kept the military-dominated Front de Libération Nationale (FLN) in power since 1962.

Blocking the democratic process and the suppression of Islamic political parties such as the FIS encouraged the emergence of guerrillas espousing Islamic ideologies, particularly the Islamic Salvation Army in defence of the FIS, and the Armed Islamic Group (GIA). These groups confronted the repressive government and wanted to replace it with an Islamic state.

Some of what we see today in Iraq, Syria and Egypt is similar to the politicised salafi-jihadism experienced in Algeria, spurred on by socio-economic discontent and political frustration with an authoritarian regime. Years of blocked democracy and the repression of social and political rights has led to the mobilisation of militant groups espousing Islamic ideologies, yet this particular trend of political Islam is tied to European influence going back to the colonial era, which disrupted the frame of reference for public debates in societies across the region.

The emergence of political Islam was an attempt to open up the debate about the role of Islam within society and in public life, especially as an alternative to authoritarian rule. The Islamic currents challenged the political status quo and gave vent to the people’s grievances, for which “secular” regimes and the artificial legacies of imperialism were responsible. These attempts had been influenced by and were a reaction to the spread of European ideas and the political legacies they left behind. With the continued stalling of political activism and subsequent stagnation, at least since the 1980s salafi trends have become increasingly politicised, using this to legitimise public mobilisation for violence against corrupt regimes.

Continued western support for post-colonial regimes has ensured the survival of dictatorships and prolonged a history of inadequate political pluralism, an environment that has fostered the development of extreme militant groups. The post-colonial states failed to establish sovereignty, which could have been done by ending the influence of colonialism and occupation, and achieving social justice and political freedom.

The US and Europe continue to support authoritarian regimes in the name of stability, commercial and energy “interests”, and in order to fight “terrorism”. Their support for such regimes in some cases and ambivalence towards democratic movements in others has revealed the tension between Western interests and democratic values; this was exemplified by military intervention in Iraq. Many countries in the West were quick to condemn state-sponsored violence during the Arab uprisings but actually supplied the regimes with weapons for use against protestors.

Despite human rights abuses in Egypt, the Obama administration gave $1.3 billion annually in military aid to Hosni Mubarak’s regime and billions in US, European and World Bank aid for military and economic development were spent to prop up the Egyptian state. A similar arrangement has existed with Iraq in the last decade.

The political and economic incentives for maintaining stability by supporting repressive regimes in the Middle East has led to the perception that the West treats societies in the region as stagnant, leading to reciprocal mistrust. Aid to dictators was counterproductive in that it fed the resentment of populations at large as well as groups like Al-Qaeda and other militant jihadists.

Internally these regimes pursued repressive tactics, denying populations social and political rights. Arab regimes have been unable to do away with sectarianism in the case of Iraq and to establish a citizenship based on coexistence after years of discontent. Former Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri Al-Maliki ruled in an increasingly authoritarian style in order to consolidate his hold on power within a fragile state; he aimed thereby to control both Sunni and Shi’a segments of society. Unsustainable policies and widespread discontent have fostered an environment within which the likes of the so-called Islamic State (ISIS) have emerged.

Both in Syria and Iraq the regimes responded to peaceful movements demanding reform with state violence, creating an environment and space for groups such as ISIS to thrive. In just one example of widespread Sunni protests triggered by the targeting of Sunni politicians by the government in 2012-13, the Iraqi police broke up a Sunni Muslim protest camp in the western Anbar province and killed 13 people. Dissatisfaction with the regime which abused human rights and failed to devolve power and equal rights encouraged militant groups in Egypt to respond to state acts of terror with violence as well.

In the Sinai Peninsula, years of socio-economic marginalisation, discrimination and oppressive policies pursued by the military against the Bedouin population has led to the mobilisation of militant groups. The local economy was largely unaffected by the tourist industry and the development of land and agriculture; many people survived by smuggling goods to Gaza.

The airing of grievances was met by heavy-handed repression and mass arrests of civilians by Mubarak’s security forces. The growing lawlessness proved attractive to jihadists, who attracted even more attention from the security forces. Following the ouster of Mohamed Morsi the coup authorities provided more signs of their unwillingness to implement democratic change. This prompted many Egyptians to join extremist organisations struggling against the intransigence of the authorities.

There are many such militant groups; Ajnad Misr (Soldiers of Egypt), for example, claimed responsibility for two bombings against security forces and the interior ministry. It has named as their targets the “criminal elements” of the current regime and those who were responsible for the killing of innocent demonstrators in support of deposed President Morsi. Another militant group, Ansar Bayt Al-Maqdis, has conducted operations targeting the military and its supporters within the peninsula. In September, it claimed responsibility for killing six policemen in a roadside bomb.

The lack of development and harsh security measures have provided an ideal environment to host militant organisations itching to vent their anger at repressive governments. Many have used Islam as an anchor to mobilise within communities. The attacks after the overthrow of Morsi are reminiscent of the armed groups in Algeria that fought to overthrow the military regime after it targeted the Islamic Salvation Front. The trend of militant Islamic groups which have taken up arms to respond to state violence has become a widespread phenomenon since the 1980s. It is a reflection of the increasing frustration at the actions of repressive and stagnant regimes.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.