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Jordan has to balance between security and basic freedoms

November 27, 2014 at 11:51 am

It has become apparent that the official policy of the Jordanian government is heading towards zero tolerance of armed Salafi jihadist ideology. There is also clear opposition to Jordan’s participation in the international coalition against ISIS, and sometimes there are calls for reform.

This trend was identified during the summer when the General Assembly in Amman passed the Prevention of Terrorism Act which expands the definition of terrorism. This can now be exploited in order to accuse and prosecute individual activists and peaceful opposition. Similar laws have also been passed in other Arab countries over the past few months, leaving a large gap between what the countries say and do.

The message became clear after Zaki Bani Irsheid, the Muslim Brotherhood’s deputy secretary-general in Jordan, was arrested a few nights ago. He is due to appear before the State Security Court on charges of “committing acts not permitted by the state that may sour Jordan’s relations with a foreign country”. Bani Irsheid published an article on Facebook in which he accused the UAE government of “supporting terrorism” in response to the Emirates including the Brotherhood on its list of “terrorist organisations”. His article prompted official concerns over Abu Dhabi’s reaction, due to the fact that the UAE is a member of the international coalition to fight ISIS in Iraq and Syria and a main donor to Jordan’s treasury. In addition, more than 220,000 Jordanians work in the Emirates.

The decision to arrest Bani Irsheid is problematic, as is the man himself. There are those who believe that it is of the utmost importance to protect national security and Jordan’s interests, and that this outweighs human rights and freedom of expression. This is claimed to be especially true since the criticism in this case was made by a man who holds a senior position in the Brotherhood; the movement appears not to have understood the government’s message that it may be tolerated in the kingdom but this does not mean that it can challenge and undermine the state. On the other hand, human rights activists, lawyers and politicians believe that the official reaction was based on emotion and “made a mountain out of a molehill”, lowering Jordan’s human rights standards to those of neighbouring Arab states.

Bani Irsheid’s arrest raises other questions. What if the writer of an article published in a local newspaper accused the prime minister of Israel of terrorism or if an activist organised a demonstration calling on the people not to buy Israeli goods? What if he cursed the US president and accused him of being a spy for the Freemasons? Both Israel and the US are allies of Jordan and America provides the kingdom with millions of dollars annually in financial and military aid. I am certain that there would be no repercussions or consequences for the author of such allegations because a country like America respects freedom of opinion and US presidents are accustomed to criticism of their performance.

Following the Bani Irsheid experience, the Jordanians will now be subject to the Arab standard for human rights, which are different to those of the West. It is not beyond the realms of possibility that activists and others who criticise official decisions will be prosecuted by the State Security Court, not the civil courts. Instead of being accused of slander and defamation in accordance with the Penal Code, they will be charged alongside people who use violent means to make political points.

We must remember that the threat to the democratic process and political reform, or any means of establishing a “civil state”, is posed not only by Takfirist ideology and the dark acts of politicised religious groups but also by the security mentality, which does not believe in the value of citizens nor is it concerned about diversity in public discourse. This mentality is a slave to injustice and oppression because it sees itself as the absolute truth and respects neither pluralism nor public opinion.

Of course, Jordanians are very aware that their country is in the eye of the storm, with threats from the east, west and the north in an extremely unstable region. They are also aware that they must be protected from the “ideology and evils” of extremist time bombs which can explode at any moment. In light of the uncertainty of the situation characterised by a collective fear of terrorism, Jordanians understand the government’s decision to ban 30 imams from preaching, as well as the prosecution of their fellow citizens accused of “joining armed groups or terrorist organisations and promoting them”, including ISIS and Al-Nusra Front.

However, this does not mean we have to sacrifice our rights to free expression, media freedom and human rights for the sake of national security and stability, even though it is regarded as essential for those states fearful of the chaos within the region since the outbreak of the Arab revolutions and protests in 2011. Such chaos has allowed the spread of radical Takfirist ideology that has crossed all borders in the Middle East and which has support in almost every Arab country that suffers from poverty, unemployment, ignorance and exclusion, as well as an absence of justice in the distribution of the benefits arising from national development. Nor does it mean that Jordanians will accept restrictions on their general freedoms or allow legitimate fears and concerns to be used to gag the people and violate their basic human rights.

International law acknowledges that the protection of “public order and national security” is a legitimate goal that may call for restrictions on certain rights for its preservation in “limited and narrowly defined situations”. Regardless of what happened with Bani Irsheid or anyone else, though, in Jordan we must respect the need for security and freedom without violating or diminishing basic rights and freedoms. It is a tough tightrope upon which the government has to walk, but it has to get the balance right.

Translated from AlGhad newspaper, 26 November, 2014

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.