clear

Creating new perspectives since 2009

Pro-ISIS Salafi groups seek presence in the Gaza Strip

July 29, 2015 at 11:41 am

Salafist groups active in the Gaza Strip have been suspected of carrying out the series of attacks in recent months targeting both foreign-owned offices and Hamas. A bomb on 19 July targeting vehicles belonging to Hamas and Islamic Jihad follows a series of four such targeted attacks in May. Despite their small number, the campaign of bombings and assassinations by Salafi militants has caused tension within the territory and threatened the ceasefire with Israel.

Jamaat Ansar Al-Dawla Al-Islamiya fi Bayt Al-Maqdis (“Supporters of the Islamic State in Jerusalem”) is one such group which carries out propaganda activities from Gaza. The group reportedly helps channel volunteers to Syria and Iraq. It released a statement claiming responsibility for mortars fired at a base of the Ezzedine Al-Qassam Brigades in Khan Younis on 8 May, and assassinated a Hamas security official outside his home last month.

The bombing follows a statement in which the groups issued a 72-hour ultimatum calling on Hamas to release all detained Salafi jihadists, including Adnan Khader Mayat, a local figure accused by Hamas of being linked to ISIS militants. Salafi groups critical of Hamas in the Gaza Strip have threatened to fire rockets at Israel to put pressure on the movement in response to what they claim is a crackdown on their activities in Gaza following the series of bombings.

A new group called the Sheikh Omar Hadid Brigade, named after a leading figure in the Iraqi insurgency, claimed allegiance to ISIS and took responsibility for rocket attacks on Ashdod in May. No group has yet claimed responsibility for the recent bombings, though.

Many groups aiming to adopt an Islamic discourse have accused Hamas of pursuing political nationalism and being insufficiently stringent over religious law enforcement. A recent video statement by a Palestinian ISIS fighter in Syria threatened to topple Hamas for its moves against Salafis. “We will uproot the state of the Jews [Israel] and you and Fatah, and all of the secularists are nothing and you will be overrun by our creeping multitudes,” he claimed.

While the different Salafist groups seem to be small and loosely structured, and lacking clear policies and leadership, they have been unafraid to threaten attacks. Hamas has sought to ease tensions by releasing most of those it had arrested, an action that had encouraged Salafist groups to express their discontent. While Hamas had been willing to tolerate limited activities by Salafist groups it has sought to clampdown on activities seen as a threat to stability.

Salafist groups have differed in their focus. Some have put their attention on the Israeli occupation, and others in their individual capacity have been interested in social rather than militant activities.

Sheikh Issam Saleh, a former leader of the militant Islamist group Jaish Al-Islam, convened a press conference in Gaza City to announce the establishment of a reconciliation committee to mitigate the mounting tension between Hamas and local fundamentalist groups vying for power. He denied ties between Gaza jihadists and members of ISIS in nearby Sinai, as alleged by the Egyptian press. “Most of the mujahideen in Gaza have no connection to Sinai,” he argued.

Another group called Al-Omma Salafist Army in Bait Al-Maqdis also released a statement condemning the recent attack. Yet another group called Al-Nusra Al-Maqdisia, which pledged allegiance to ISIS in February and said it had fought Israel during its 2014 Gaza war, also released a statement denying responsibility for the attack saying, “What we do, we announce via our media platforms.”

Other groups have hit out specifically at Hamas, and their perceived clampdown on Salafist jihadi factions which has come as part of an increasing agitation from pro-ISIS groups in Gaza. For instance, Jamaat Ansar Al-Dawla Al-Islamiya fi Bayt Al-Maqdis claimed responsibility recently for the assassination of a member of the Hamas security forces. A group calling itself the Salafist Trend has also accused Hamas of monitoring its activities throughout Gaza.

It is difficult to ascertain the strength that many of the Salafi militant groups have on the ground despite their presence on social media platforms. Many of the groups who have arisen over the years are no longer active.

Since 2008, many such movements have called for the establishment of an Islamic emirate in Gaza. Most prominent among them are Jaysh Al-Islam (Army of Islam), Jaysh Al-Umma (Nation’s Army), a pro Al-Qaeda faction, and Ahlu Sunnah Wal Jamaa (people of the Sunnah who unite around it) and the Majlis Shura Al-Mujahideen (Mujahideen Shura Council in the Environs of Jerusalem) formed by a prominent Salafist figure, Hisham Al-Saedni, in the Gaza Strip and Sinai Peninsula. The group was subject to a clampdown by Hamas in 2013.

Certainly, individuals and small groups have expressed informal support for Al-Qaeda and ISIS ideology, but so far no official ISIS affiliate exists in Gaza. There is little proof that groups who have proclaimed allegiance to ISIS have any real ties with it. Many of the groups are small in size and numerous groups who have released statements independently represent scattered and localised entities with little capacity for coordinated action.

In an interview with Foreign Policy, Issam Younis, director of the Al-Mezan Centre for Human Rights in Gaza City, estimated that the number of people arrested supporting ISIS ideology is around 30 or 40, indicating that they present little real threat to the Palestinian authorities.

In Gaza, the ideas spread by some groups has had growing appeal in light of the current circumstances of conflict and unemployment, and the choking blockade imposed by Egypt and Israel. A number of young Palestinians have left Gaza to fight in Iraq or Syria, while others have been drawn towards Ansar Bait Al-Maqdis in the Sinai Peninsula.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.