Macron has been praised by leaders across the Arab World, now he has to win over the people

It’s hard to put your finger on where exactly the ‘Muslim vote’ stood vis a vis the French election. Even though Le Pen stirred up plenty of Islamophobic sentiment by campaigning on promises to bring in restrictions on halal meat, religious clothing and burkinis, numerous articles circulated about ‘the Algerians’ or ‘the Muslims’ who supported the far-right candidate.

In contrast, Emmanuel Macron has won praise for his support for the hijab and his declaration that “no religion is a problem in France today”. But whilst some applaud him for not using the fear of Islam to power his campaign, others say his promises are too good to be true.

Perhaps the lesson from all this is that there is no such thing as a ‘Muslim vote’, even if journalists insist on talking about France’s 4.7 million Muslims as though they are a monolithic entity. One thing is clear, though, and that is many people, whatever their religion, breathed a sigh of relief when Macron beat Marine Le Pen in the recent French elections.

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On the campaign trail, terrorism and security took centre stage, issues that will continue to do so over the next five years – Macron’s ability to quell the spate of terror attacks hitting France will be a deciding factor in his popularity. If terrorist attacks continue he will be criticised for not being tough enough but if he falls into the familiar trap of berating the Muslim population as a way to prove he is taking action he will not only lose popularity but he will alienate more of his own citizens.

In a summary of the worldview that will inform his foreign policy Macron set out several ideas for combatting Islamic extremism: employing 10,000 more police officers was one and creating a de-radicalisation, rehabilitation centre for returning Daesh fighters was another.

People gather during a commemoration ceremony on the Saint-Michel Bridge, near a plaque commemorating the victims of the 17 October 1961 massacre, in Paris, France on October 17, 2016. ( Mustafa Sevgi – Anadolu Agency )

More controversial are Macron’s plans to shut down places of worship pushing a ‘jihadist’ ideology and asking that imams be trained and educated in France rather than abroad. As many people have pointed out grooming often takes place online making Sheikh Google the biggest threat. Besides, linking mosques and radicalisation is a dangerous game that plays into popular fears that Islam is the problem and discards all other factors.

A number of French Muslims are unemployed, live in deprived suburbs on the outskirts of cities, are discriminated against and subject to police brutality. Macron does, to a certain extent address this: “we need to understand why there are ‘breeding grounds’ in France, and why we are responsible for them”; terrorism is an “economic, social, cultural and religious battle”. It will be interesting to see how his actions match up.

His predecessor Hollande sought to destroy terrorism at its source, sending the army into Mali to this effect and angering many people along the way. Macron would do better to help improve the economic situation in the MENA region given that many Daesh fighters have said they travelled to Syria for financial gain as they were paid to become fighters. Tunisians, for example – one of the highest numbers of Daesh members in Syria – have been protesting about unemployment since the revolution.

In August last year armed, male, French police surrounded a woman on a beach in Nice and forced her to remove her headscarf. At that time several authorities in French towns were issuing burkini bans, citing security concerns in the wake of terror attacks in the country. The outrageous display on the beach was the result of years – decades – of dehumanisation of Muslims in films, TV shows, in the media and in the rhetoric of politicians that had been ratcheted up in those months. No one on the beach that day intervened to help her.

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Here’s what Macron had to say about it: “It’s a terrible failure to see police officers on a beach asking a woman, in the name of secularism, to stop wearing a burkini.”

But Macron still supports the ban: “[the burkini ban] was justified in some places, for reasons of public order … It is crucial to carry out a political battle, an ideological battle, to say that this piece of cloth is contrary to our idea of civility and equality between men and women. The burkini is contrary to these ideas.”

It’s not just debates over women’s clothing on which Macron does not take a clear position. Whilst his intentions to distance himself from Saudi Arabia will be welcomed in light of evidence that Saudi-led air strikes are targeting civilians in Yemen, Macron has claimed not many weapons are sold to Riyadh. France authorised arms licenses worth $18 billion to Saudi in 2015 alone.

His support for military intervention against Assad – if it is proven he used chemical weapons – will win him support among Syrian activists yet his opposition to the BDS movement and comments that it is anti-Semitic will lose him support among pro-Palestinians.

On immigration, Macron has said France needs to follow Germany’s model and take its fair share of refugees and help foreigners integrate. This part of his plan is a testament to the fact that a politician can campaign on a positive message about refugees and still win an election.

Upon being elected Macron received messages of support from across the Middle East. King Mohammed VI of Morocco, the Prince of Qatar, Al-Sisi of Egypt, Yemeni President Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi, President of Tunisia Beji Caid Essebsi and the Emir of Kuwait all congratulated him.

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Most attention has been given to France and Algeria’s relationship following a two-day trip to the country when Macron described colonisation as a “crime against humanity” and promised France would apologise for its crimes. Algerians lived under French rule for 132 years until it won a bloody war of independence in 1962, but not before 1.5 million Algerians died.

Macron has said that one area of focus for French diplomatic efforts is the Maghreb and his comments about Algeria have certainly lent him legitimacy to do this – in response to his comments about colonisation, Algeria’s foreign minister called Macron a “friend” of the country and President Abdelaziz Bouteflika said this “pioneering attitude” would allow for reconciliation between France and Algeria.

Now the Middle East is watching to see if Macron will keep his promise or if his words were an act of political opportunism. Macron may have won over leaders in the Middle East, now he has to convince the people.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.