Egypt’s delusionary democracy

The current presidential “elections” in Egypt can only be described as a farce and an insult to all freedom-loving people around the world. The 25 January 2011 uprising is history, it seems, and so is its slogan of “bread, freedom and social justice”.

The 2011 ousting of Hosni Mubarak led Egypt into a promising but fragile and difficult — and definitely democratic — transition. Several democratic elections and referendums, and a new constitution, threatened Egypt’s 60-year military dictatorship. The June 2012 election of a civilian President, the Muslim Brotherhood’s Mohamed Morsi, was a significant achievement.

Egypt’s most deeply entrenched state institutions — the military, police, judiciary and media — were never on board with the uprising. Every one of them worked to ruin the nascent democracy, aided at times by clumsy transitional governance by the Brotherhood. The old political order managed to maintain some of its critical character, though, and the “deep state” held sway.

After the 2013 coup led by General Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi, it was generally expected that Mohamed Morsi and his supporters would succumb and recognise the military takeover. This was a gross underestimation of the will and resilience of the Egyptian people.

Sisi is a US-trained army officer and former head of Mubarak’s military intelligence service. He has ruled Egypt since 2013 with an iron fist. His security forces have killed and tortured people by the thousands in an orgy of tyranny, cruelty and brutality. His rule is anything but democratic.

Indeed, the Egyptian authorities under Sisi have used the courts to stifle the media and freedom of expression. Many reporters and media professionals have been jailed and dozens more are facing criminal investigations, although such claims have been denied by the Egyptian authorities.

Within days of the military takeover, hundreds of civilians and other anti-coup leaders and popular public figures were arrested. Most media outlets, TV and satellite channels deemed to be anti-coup or simply critical of the army’s brazen intervention were swiftly banned and closed down. Simultaneously, Sisi claimed that he had interceded in order to prevent a civil war. He promised safety, firmness and success. The generals and their backers had gravely misjudged the attitude of the people.

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In stark contrast, at his inauguration Dr Morsi did not wear a bullet-proof vest, in order to demonstrate that he had complete faith in the Egyptian people. He also led a march in 2005 in support of the independence of the judiciary, and spent decades in and out of prison under the Mubarak regime because of his opposition to its repressive policies and practices. He wanted to transform the Mubarak dictatorship into a representation of the will of the people, based on the principles of justice, equality, honesty, knowledge and forgiveness.

There is no doubt that the events of late 2010 across North Africa did not begin in that year. The demand for an end to autocracy and for popular participation in government was made well before in the Middle East. However, such demands were met routinely by the contradiction that is the West’s view of democracy in the region. Given Western politicians’ endless discourse about human rights and freedoms, one would have expected them to have been enthusiastic supporters of the essential demands of Arab pro-democracy demonstrators. Not surprisingly, this was never the case. One of the many lessons that have been learnt is that international powers are untrustworthy and fly-by-night partners.

There is now deep-rooted anger at the double standards of Europe and the United States. To this must be added the outrage at the catastrophic invasion of Iraq, the destruction of Libya and the deep sense of resentment over the continuation of colonialism in one form or another, but especially in Western support for the colonial project that is the State of Israel.

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Ever since the 2013 coup, Sisi’s security machinery has been in overdrive, arresting and killing multitudes of anti-coup protestors. Forced disappearances and torture have been used to intimidate like-minded citizens. Amnesty International has reported that over 300 “disappearances” have been documented and torture has been “rampant” since the coup. To show his “appreciation”, Sisi has gifted his police and security forces with multiple salary increases and built a monument in their “honour”. His propaganda campaign portrays the police and military as victims, heroes and protectors of the people. Legitimate protests have been criminalised.

For now, it looks as if Sisi has crushed any and all opposition and civil discord. Can this subjugation be sustained in the long-term? History has shown that harsh, authoritarian governance gives rise to violent resistance. There are signs that Egyptians are growing increasingly impatient and Dr Mohamed Morsi’s popularity is once again on the rise. The extraordinary use of force by the present administration is a sign weakness, not of strength; it has failed to keep a defiant people in check.

So how democratic are the latest presidential “elections”? Not at all, if the truth is known. Democracy in Egypt is delusional, and continued support for Sisi and his cronies from the West is a disgrace.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.