The past year of the relentless Israeli genocide against the Palestinians in Gaza, and bloody raids and violence in the West Bank, has been viewed largely in terms of the horrific humanitarian outcomes: the unequalled killing of tens of thousands of children, women and men; the obliteration of Gaza; and demolitions and destruction in the occupied West Bank.
While humanitarian urgency must indeed be a priority, other factors are also deserving of consideration, especially as we mark the first anniversary of the ongoing genocide. Even though the mass killing is yet to end, there are several conclusions that can already be drawn about its long-term consequences.
For a start, the Palestinians, despite the military occupation, the siege and the numerous failures of their leadership, remain political actors, with powerful agency. This agency does not stem from any superficial achievements of their autocratic leadership or the still symbolic recognition of the state of Palestine, but the collective resilience and power of ordinary Palestinians in Gaza and throughout Occupied Palestine.
The war in Gaza would have looked different if Palestinian society had broken down in the face of the war machine, fragmented into fighting factions or grown desperate in the face of impossible pressures, including war, unprecedented destruction and acute famine. This fact alone is reassuring.
The Palestinian people’s destiny will not be that of erasure or even marginalisation, but of continuity and even prosperity.
Moreover, Arab societies, however consumed with their own struggles, and social and political challenges, remain united in perceiving the Palestinian cause as a top Arab priority. This has allowed many Arab governments to reiterate their position regarding the centrality of the Palestinian cause.
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Although current circumstances may, for now, prevent some Arab societies from being direct participants in turning their devotion to Palestine into tangible and practical support, the future shall prove that the renewed centrality of Palestine in Arab political and popular discourses will have its own weight and value.
The same logic applies to the Muslim Ummah, which has never been so united around a cause in decades as it is now united around Palestine. This can be felt in all Muslim countries, and among Muslim communities around the world, especially in the West.
The future shall reveal more regarding the meaning of the return of Palestine to the embrace of Arabs and Muslims. However, one can already conclude that the resilience of the Palestinian people has, once more, refocused the attention on Palestine as the leading cause of all Arabs and Muslims.
While some Arab states are desperately trying to find a safe distance, and to play no part in the Gaza-centred regional conflict, non-state actors in Yemen, Lebanon, Iraq and elsewhere are challenging the traditional rules of Middle East politics. Arab masses are no longer beseeching Arab armies to save the Palestinians, as has been the case in previous wars, conflicts and massacres.
The roles being played by Ansarallah — the Houthis — in Yemen and Hezbollah in Lebanon seem to have filled the roles that should have, in theory, been played by traditional armies. This is no longer expected, or frankly, even required.
Official Arab armies have historically proven to be ineffective and corrupt.
Now, they are mere spectators as powerful armed groups have moved in to fill the gaps, showing solidarity with Palestinians in word and deed.
Historically, this is unprecedented. This change shall further undercut whatever legitimacy still attaches to Arab regimes, especially those in the immediate proximity of Palestine.
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We can also see that, although international law remains as ineffective as ever, the bloody war in Palestine is creating rifts between the Global South and the Global North. The latter, with a few exceptions, remains adamant in repeating tired, old mantras about Israel’s “right to defend itself”, while disregarding all Palestinian rights. However, many countries in Africa, the Middle East, South America and elsewhere are becoming louder and bolder in their demands for justice for Palestinians, and for the equal application of international law.
The Global South’s political revolt has already resulted in slow, but serious actions taken by the International Court of Justice, the International Criminal Court and, as of late, the UN General Assembly. The UNGA passed a resolution on 17 September that assigned an actual deadline for when the Israeli occupation of Palestine must end. Resolution A/ES-10/L.31/Rev.1, and its “no later than 12 months” deadline essentially declared null and void all actions that Israel has illegally carried out in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, including all settlements and annexation of Palestinian land.
In addition, a whole generation of people around the world has been affected by the horror show in Gaza. The gory images, the desperate pleas of children who have lost their parents, the unbelievable destruction and the failure of the international system to stop any of this, will be etched in the collective memory of the world for many years to come.
This means that the boundaries of global solidarity with Palestine will finally break the confines of the Middle East into new and growing geographic and cultural spaces. At least in the West, Palestine will no longer be simply a political discussion or subject of academic interest.
The new global consciousness that has developed around the Palestinian struggle may have already achieved the required critical mass which will, with time, result in the much-coveted paradigm shift: justice for the Palestinian people.
Finally, one year of war has taught us that, while superior firepower may determine political outcomes in the short run, no weapons and munitions can possibly break the will of a nation that has vowed to restore its dignity and win its freedom, no matter the cost.
OPINION: After a year of genocide and despite the unbelievable pain, Palestinians emerge stronger
The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.