Trump’s ‘peace through strength’ doctrine will put the US in the service of Jewish supremacy

If Donald Trump and his fervent supporters are to be believed, the President-elect’s promise to revive the “America First” agenda during his second term will be anchored in the principle of “peace through strength”. In the context of Israel-Palestine, such a vision is highly likely to empower Jewish supremacy and facilitate the most extreme territorial ambitions of Israel’s far-right government.

The ancient Roman maxim “Si vis pacem, para bellum” – if you want peace, prepare for war – has taken on new significance in Trump’s vision of “peace through strength”. Dating back to the Roman Emperor, Hadrian, the doctrine of achieving peace through strength or threat, has been a recurring theme in American foreign policy, from George Washington to Ronald Reagan. As Trump prepares to return to the White House, all the signs indicate that his interpretation of this doctrine, particularly concerning Israel-Palestine, will empower Jewish supremacist ambitions in the region.

The principle of “peace through strength” has deep roots in American statecraft. President George Washington articulated this philosophy in 1793, telling Congress that readiness for war was essential to secure peace. Theodore Roosevelt later encapsulated it in his famous “speak softly and carry a big stick” approach, while Ronald Reagan explicitly campaigned on “peace through strength” in the 1980s. Trump’s adaptation of this ancient principal, however, indicates that the President-elect is preparing to deploy US strength not in advancing the America First agenda he has promised his base, but an Israeli-first strategy, disappointing segments of his base who expected a more isolationist approach.

Read: Jewish supremacy is state policy, says Netanyahu

In his first term, Trump employed the doctrine of peace through strength in advancing Israeli interests in several ways. In a move that was in clear defiance of international law, Trump used US power to unilaterally recognise Israel’s claim to sovereignty over the occupied Golan Heights and relocated the US embassy to Jerusalem. These illegal moves reshaped the political landscape and have set the stage for what looks to be an even more assertive pro-Israel stance during Trump’s second term.

The clearest indication that the President-elect will put his administration in the service of Jewish supremacy are Trump’s recent appointments, which have sparked jubilation among Israel’s right-wing establishment, while raising eyebrows among some of his America First base. The selection of key officials signals a clear Israel First approach, with Mike Huckabee as US ambassador to Israel, Pete Hegseth as defence secretary, and Steve Witkoff as Middle East envoy – all known for their unwavering support not only of Israel but also the Jewish supremacist settler movement.

Huckabee, a seasoned politician and Evangelical Christian leader, has previously said Israel has a “title deed” to the Occupied West Bank, and that he refuses to refer to the area as the West Bank, saying it is Judea and Samaria, the Biblical name for the area. Adding that “there is no such thing as an occupation” or “settlements, they are communities”.

Nadav Shtrauchler, a political strategist close to Netanyahu, captured the mood among Israel’s far-right ultra nationalists. Shtrauchler suggested that Israeli leaders are in a rapturous mood and might “move independence day to 13 November” in celebration of Trump’s appointments. The enthusiasm extends to Israel’s far-right political echelon, with the Jewish supremacist and convicted terrorist National Security Minister, Itamar Ben-Gvir, publicly celebrating Huckabee’s appointment with heart emojis and Israeli flags on social media.

OPINION: Jews for a Just Peace: The Danish-Jewish anti-Zionist group making waves for Palestine

The appointments of Elise Stefanik as UN ambassador and Marco Rubio as secretary of state has further cemented the view that Trump’s second term will be characterised by an even more aggressive Israeli first agenda. Rubio’s viral video rejecting calls for a Gaza ceasefire, declaring “I want them to destroy every element of Hamas they can get their hands on”, has already endeared him to Israeli audiences. Stefanik’s prominent role in addressing alleged anti-Semitism in campuses and videos of her expressing unconditional support for Israel was also met with jubilation by the likes of Ben-Gvir. Stefanik introduced bills targeting pro-Palestinian student encampments that were erected in protest against Israel’s genocide in Gaza.

While there is a lot of speculation on what a Trump second term will look like in practice, these appointments indicate a deeper alliance with Israel’s far-right  and, perhaps, Trump’s willingness to exercise US power and strength to facilitate the Israeli right’s long-held ambition in implementing what is known as the “Jordan option” – a plan aimed at denying Palestinians an independent state and encouraging their ethnic cleansing to Jordan. The approach, which seemed dormant since the Oslo Accords, has gained new life under Israel’s current far-right government and finds eager support among Trump’s appointees.

Israeli leaders view Trump’s second term as an historical opportunity. Netanyahu responded to Trump’s victory by appointing Yechiel Leiter , a former member of a Jewish terrorist group as his envoy in Washington. Leiter was a member of the Jewish Defence League, which was founded by the far-right Rabbi Meir Kahane and was designated a terrorist organisation by the US for a series of attacks and assassinations.

Finance Minister, Bezalel Smotrich, declared that “2025 is the year of sovereignty in Judea and Samaria” signalling the Israeli right’s confidence in Trump’s support for annexation of the illegally Occupied West Bank. Smotrich has already instructed the Defence Ministry’s settlement administration division and the Israeli army’s Civil Administration to prepare infrastructure for applying Israeli sovereignty to the West Bank.

The historical context of the “Jordan option” is particularly relevant now. Following Israel’s occupation of the West Bank in 1967, some Israeli leaders viewed the transfer of control to Jordan as a means to address the Palestinian issue without conceding territory for a Palestinian State. While this approach was largely set aside due to international opposition, Trump’s appointments and the current Israeli government’s positioning suggest revival of this strategy, even if it is clear violation of international law.

‘We will die from hunger’: Gazans decry Israel’s UNRWA ban

 The success of an Israeli-first agenda during Trump’s second term may largely hinge on regional dynamics, particularly Saudi Arabia’s stance. The Kingdom’s reaction to potential Israeli annexation plans and the broader “Jordan option” could either support or obstruct the ambitions of the Israeli far-right. During a summit in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince accused Israel of committing genocide in Gaza, a statement made at a gathering of Arab and Muslim countries, believed to be aimed at countering the Trump agenda to use the might of the US to serve the interest of Jewish supremacy.

Jordan has also consistently rejected any notion of serving as an alternative homeland for Palestinians, with King Abdullah emphasising that the Kingdom will not allow Israel to “export its Occupation problems” to neighbouring countries.

Palestinian officials, who were marginalised during Trump’s first term, have maintained a cautious silence on his appointments, though activists like Samer Sinijlawi from East Jerusalem warn of potential “catastrophe” for Palestinian aspirations. Despite these concerns, some Palestinians view Trump’s unpredictability as potentially preferable to what they see as Biden’s unconditional support the genocide in Gaza, with Sinijlawi noting, “I’ve never seen a president accept such humiliation” like Biden did from Netanyahu.

As Trump prepares to return to power, his “peace through strength” doctrine appears poised to empower the most extreme elements of Israeli politics, potentially reshaping the region’s future. While his overall foreign policy may remain unpredictable, his administration’s approach to Israel-Palestine seems clearly aligned with the vision of Jewish supremacy advocated by figures like Smotrich and Ben-Gvir. The extent to which this vision becomes reality will likely depend on regional dynamics and the response of key Arab states, particularly Saudi Arabia, in either enabling or restraining these ambitions.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.