A roadmap for Gaza and Palestine

The Palestinian people in Gaza are suffering from ongoing genocide in the form of a blockade, starvation, assassinations, and other atrocities. Nothing will stop the enemy from continuing this unless we play our cards right to impose whatever restrictions and conditions we can on them. Furthermore, merely condemning this reality will serve no purpose. What changes reality is not refusing it, but proposing and imposing an alternative to it.

On the other hand, the debate surrounding the Palestinian Legislative Council elections centers on whether it is worthwhile to participate or to boycott them. However, elections are a tool in the hands of a political program, and it is noteworthy that no such program has been put forward for Gaza and Palestine. Therefore, we present here a draft roadmap for Gaza consisting of four main points.

First: A vision for Gaza as part of Palestine. Colonialism is based on dismantling the societies it targets. The enemy seeks to separate Gaza from Palestine, and the “voluntary emigration” plan aimed at displacing Palestinians from Gaza is in full swing, through the destruction of the people and the transformation of their lives into a living hell. All of this weakens the Palestinians in Gaza in the face of the displacement project and seeks to liquidate the whole of Palestine.

Therefore, any plan for Gaza must recognize that the genocide and displacement of Gaza are part of an effort to colonize all of Palestine, and consequently must present a vision for Gaza within the context of a comprehensive plan for the resilience of the Palestinian people until the complete liberation of the national territory. This may include, for example:

• Reviewing common terms and proposing alternatives when necessary. For example, “Palestinians in Gaza” instead of “Gazans,” “the Palestinian people/society in Gaza” instead of “the Gazan people/society.”
• Identifying divisive rhetoric and developing alternatives to it. For example, “Only the people of Gaza can speak for Gaza,” “Get Hamas out of Gaza” which implies that Hamas members are not an organic part of Palestine.
• Engaging with politicians, media professionals, and elites regarding this discourse.
• Establishing news and media networks and other programs that reflect the reality of Palestinian oneness, such as a news network focused on all of Palestine.

Second: Building Gaza’s self-sufficiency, inasmuch as possible. The enemy seeks to hollow out and impoverish Gaza with the aim of displacing its population. Therefore, devising practical means to provide the basic necessities of life is a cornerstone of Palestinian resilience in Gaza. This may include, for example:

• Housing: Exploring the possibility of building homes using local materials.
• Food: Importing seeds, focusing on growing staple crops, and training Palestinians in home gardening or rooftop farming.
• Water: Exploring the possibility of learning simple seawater desalination techniques and training Palestinians in their use.
• Medicine: Reestablishing local pharmaceutical plants, perhaps on a small scale and in scattered locations.
• Energy: Smuggling solar panels, training Palestinians to maintain them, exploring other sources of energy production, and utilizing e-SIM technology to provide internet connectivity.
• Employment: Providing local or online job opportunities, particularly in the production of the above.
• Money transfers: Using a banking network separate from the occupation and utilizing digital currencies.
• Education and social awareness: Supporting educational initiatives and centers for women’s and children’s education; building civil society organizations within Gaza aimed at human rehabilitation; and fostering political and social awareness that serves as a response to genocide, rather than succumbing to its objectives.

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Third: Engaging society in discussion, decision-making, and resistance on the basis of opposition to the occupation. On the one hand, Palestinian society in Gaza is diverse in its views—including Islamic, nationalist, and leftist orientations, among others—as well as in its stance toward the Al-Aqsa Flood. Therefore, welcoming diverse views—all grounded in opposition to the Zionist project and a commitment to the cause of saving Gaza and liberating Palestine—preserves the cohesion of this society and protects it from exclusionary and/or normalizationist views.

On the other hand, those outside the decision-making circles regarding the form, scale, and timing of the resistance feel that such decisions have been imposed on them by those in power. This creates a rift between the leadership and the rest of society, rather than fostering a general rallying around the resistance. We witnessed several manifestations of this danger during the Al-Aqsa Flood, one of which was the call for leaders and resistance fighters to stay away from places where “others” were present. This issue can be addressed on at least two levels. First, involving society in resistance decision-making through democratic organizations that welcome dialogue and participation in decision-making on the basis of hostility toward the colony. Second, involving society in resistance action by not limiting it to armed struggle. This brings us to our final point.

Fourth: Mobilizing the capabilities of the Palestinian people in Gaza in arenas of confrontation that influence the balance of power. In addition to building self-sufficiency and the option of armed resistance, these arenas include, for example:

• Legal efforts to confront the occupation.
• Encouraging the reverse emigration of Zionist Jews from Palestine.
• Establishing a resistance media that exploits the contradictions among settlers to drive them toward infighting.
• Reaching out to anti-Zionist groups in Arab countries and around the world to lead movements in support of Palestine.
• Engaging with political groups operating in Palestine and in the diaspora to unify the Palestinian ranks and contribute to building organizational capacity in preparation for a popular uprising.

In conclusion, as mentioned, the enemy’s plans will not be countered by merely condemning them, nor by simply participating in or boycotting legislative elections, but rather by developing a political plan to save Gaza and liberate Palestine. Accordingly, we call on the movements, influential figures, and citizens in Palestine and the diaspora to shoulder their responsibility in this regard, and we present the points above in this context.

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The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.