When Israeli missiles struck a residential building in Doha this week, killing several Hamas members and a Qatari security officer, the explosions reverberated far beyond the Gulf. They were heard in Jakarta.
Indonesia’s foreign ministry was among the first to condemn the unprecedented assault, describing it as a “serious violation of international law, including the UN Charter, a breach of Qatar’s sovereignty, and a grave threat to regional security and peace.” President Prabowo Subianto quickly phoned Qatar’s emir, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, to ask after the nation’s condition. Soon after, Indonesian officials announced that Prabowo would raise the issue at the upcoming United Nations General Assembly.
For Indonesia, the world’s largest Muslim-majority democracy, the Doha strike underscored a dangerous lesson: normalisation with Israel, as pursued by other Gulf monarchies under the Abraham Accords, cannot deliver stability when Israel shows no respect for sovereignty — and when Washington refuses to hold it accountable.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has been blunt. “To Qatar and all nations who harbour terrorists,” he declared, “you either expel them or you bring them to justice. Because if you don’t, we will.” His words echoed America’s post-9/11 war on Afghanistan. But the analogy is misleading. The Taliban was an adversarial regime. Qatar is a US ally, home to Al-Udeid Air Base — the Pentagon’s largest facility in the Middle East. Doha’s role has been as a mediator, facilitating indirect negotiations with Hamas at the request of Washington and, until recently, with Israel’s quiet consent.
That arrangement ended the moment it conflicted with Netanyahu’s maximalist strategy. Qatar’s efforts to broker a new cease-fire — pushed hard by President Trump and meant to free some of the remaining 48 Israeli hostages in Gaza — were quite literally blown up. In the words of Qatar’s prime minister, Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani, Israel’s strike “killed any hope” for a deal and amounted to “state terrorism.”
The Qatari prime minister urged that the strike not go unanswered, stressing in an interview with CNN that regional governments were already exploring a coordinated reply. Exactly how such a move might take shape is still uncertain, particularly given the often fragile dynamics among Gulf states. Even so, Indonesia has every reason to endorse and align with this effort, consistent with its long-standing defence of sovereignty, international law, and regional order.
Washington’s reaction was telling. Blindsided, the White House rushed to reassure Doha that it had played no role. Trump, usually eager to defend Netanyahu, offered only the faintest criticism, saying the attack “does not advance Israel or America’s goals.” But Washington stopped short of real condemnation, much less consequences. The message was unmistakable: Israel can bomb a US ally hosting American forces, and the United States will still shield it from accountability.
Indonesia’s leaders, watching this spectacle, have drawn the obvious conclusion: US backing makes Israel feel free to act with impunity. If even Qatar — an indispensable American partner — can be struck without repercussions, what hope is there for others who trust normalization to bring protection or peace?
READ: Hamas vows steadfastness after Israeli attack in Doha
For Jakarta, the episode reaffirms the wisdom of its longstanding refusal to normalize relations with Israel. Unlike Bahrain, the United Arab Emirates, or Morocco, Indonesia has grounded its foreign policy not in tactical bargains but in principles of justice, accountability, and solidarity with the oppressed.
Prabowo has framed the issue in terms of sovereignty and international law — a natural position for a country that jealously guards its own territorial integrity across a vast archipelago. In Jakarta, the memory of colonial domination and the legacy of the Bandung Conference still shape foreign policy. If Israel can violate Qatar’s sovereignty today, Indonesians ask, what prevents similar acts tomorrow against others who dare challenge its policies?
But it is not only Israel on trial. By shielding Israel at the U.N. and excusing its actions even against allies, Washington ensures that international law is applied selectively. The United States rightly condemns Russia’s assault on Ukraine’s sovereignty while enabling Israel’s assaults on Gaza — and now Qatar. For the Global South, Indonesia included, such double standards erode trust in a rules-based order.
Nearly two years into the Gaza genocide, with more than 64,000 Palestinians killed, the humanitarian toll is staggering. Instead of weakening Hamas, the campaign has only fuelled deeper anger at both Israel and the United States across the Muslim world. Even inside Israel, families of hostages despaired that the Doha strike had destroyed any remaining hope for their loved ones’ release.
Indonesia has positioned itself not as a passive observer but as an active voice for restraint. By calling on the U.N. Security Council to act decisively, Jakarta seeks to rally the Global South around principles it has long championed: sovereignty, non-aggression, and the dignity of peoples under occupation. Prabowo’s upcoming U.N. speech, his aides suggest, will emphasize exactly that. Supporting Qatar’s call for a collective regional response would align Indonesia with those principles and amplify its leadership role beyond Southeast Asia.
For Jakarta, the lesson of Doha is clear. Normalization cannot succeed when one side refuses to respect sovereignty and when its superpower patron refuses to enforce accountability. Qatar’s mediation was tolerated only when it served Israel’s narrow aims. The moment it threatened Netanyahu’s strategy, it was obliterated by airstrikes — and Washington looked away.
Indonesia should see this as a cautionary tale. Peace cannot be built on impunity. A world in which allies are bombed with no consequences is not a world Indonesia — or any nation committed to justice — can accept.
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The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.







