Why Israel fears Marwan Barghouti’s freedom

Every time a ceasefire is announced in Gaza, the world breathes a short-lived sigh of relief. Yet peace never follows. The reason is simple: Israel has never sought a genuine political resolution. If it had, one name would have been at the top of every negotiation list — Marwan Barghouti, the imprisoned Fatah leader whose release could redefine Palestinian politics and restore legitimacy to a people long denied both justice and representation. 

Born in 1959 in the West Bank village of Kobar, Barghouti joined Fatah at the age of fifteen, driven by the early experience of occupation. His activism began at Birzeit University, where he became a student leader known for his eloquence and pragmatism. Israel expelled him in 1987 during the First Intifada, fearing his ability to mobilise youth under a disciplined, political vision of resistance. 

Barghouti’s has been a life in the struggle He spent years in exile, primarily in Jordan and Tunisia, building ties with the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) and shaping his understanding of diplomacy. When the Oslo Accords were signed in 1993, Barghouti supported them cautiously, seeing them as a potential step toward liberation — not an end in themselves. He returned to the West Bank and was elected to the Palestinian Legislative Council in 1996, emerging as one of the most articulate voices within Fatah for democratic reform, accountability, and a genuine peace grounded in equality.

But by the late 1990s, Barghouti had grown disillusioned. He saw Oslo turning into a mechanism of permanent occupation. Israel’s settlements expanded, roadblocks multiplied, and the Palestinian Authority (PA) began to function as a subcontractor of Israeli security. “Peace cannot grow under occupation,” he warned. Few listened.

When Ariel Sharon staged his notorious visit to Al-Aqsa Mosque in 2000, igniting the Second Intifada, Barghouti was no marginal militant. He was a mainstream leader who understood that resistance, both political and armed, was the only language Israel still heard.

In April 2002, Israeli forces abducted him from Ramallah. He was charged with five counts of murder and membership in a “terrorist organisation.” Throughout his trial, he refused to recognise the court’s legitimacy, stating, “I am a freedom fighter, not a terrorist. The occupation is the real crime.” He was sentenced to five life terms.

The trial was widely condemned by international observers as political theatre. Yet his imprisonment turned him into a Palestinian Mandela – a unifying symbol of resistance, moral integrity, and democratic renewal.

From his cell, Barghouti has continued to write and inspire. He advocates national reconciliation and an end to internecine conflict between Fatah and Hamas. That makes him a leader across factions

His 2006 initiative for the Prisoners’ Document for National Reconciliation laid the foundation for unity based on international law, resistance to occupation, and a sovereign Palestinian state within 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital.

This document, signed by leaders from multiple factions inside Israeli prisons, remains one of the most authentic blueprints for Palestinian unity ever written. It called for an end to armed divisions, a single national authority chosen by the people, and a re-assertion of democratic representation.

Barghouti’s influence is remarkable precisely because he commands cross-factional respect. Even Hamas leaders, despite ideological differences, recognise him as a legitimate representative of the national cause. Opinion polls conducted by the Palestinian Centre for Policy and Survey Research (PCPSR) repeatedly show that if presidential elections were held today, Barghouti would defeat both Mahmoud Abbas and any Hamas contender by a wide margin.

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Israel’s refusal to release Barghouti is not about his alleged crimes; it is about his potential to rebuild Palestinian political legitimacy. They fear him. The Israeli establishment has always preferred a fragmented Palestinian polity — a weakened Hamas in Gaza, a co-opted PA in Ramallah, and no single voice representing the nation.

Barghouti threatens that architecture of control. His freedom could trigger the long-awaited reunification of Fatah and Hamas, restore faith in democratic leadership, and produce a political interlocutor whom Israel cannot easily dismiss as “terrorist” or “illegitimate.”

That is why even Mahmoud Abbas, who has repeatedly demanded prisoner releases, rarely presses for Barghouti’s name. A free Barghouti would instantly eclipse the old guard of the PA, whose credibility has been eroded by corruption, repression, and collaboration with Israel’s security forces.

Israel and its Western allies often claim there is “no Palestinian partner for peace.” But they are the ones who ensured there wouldn’t be one by silencing or assassinating those capable of genuine leadership. The absence of Barghouti from the political scene serves that narrative perfectly.

Barghouti’s political vision, expressed through his letters from prison, remains strikingly inclusive and forward-looking. He has called for nonviolent resistance, international legal action, and grassroots mobilisation, alongside the right to resist occupation under international law. He insists that any peace process must begin with ending Israel’s military rule, dismantling settlements, freeing all prisoners, and ensuring Jerusalem’s sovereignty is shared. His is a vision for liberation

He does not reject coexistence; he rejects coercive peace without justice. His idea of liberation is moral and civic — not sectarian, not vengeful. In his words, “Our freedom will be incomplete if we lose our humanity.” This is precisely the kind of leadership Israel cannot tolerate: one that humanises the Palestinian cause and builds bridges between factions and nations.

The United States and European governments routinely praise Nelson Mandela, yet they cannot recognise his living parallel in Palestine. To advocate Barghouti’s release would be to admit that the Palestinian struggle is not about “terrorism” but about colonial domination and national rights. It would mean recognising Palestinians as a people entitled to self-determination, not merely as a security problem to be managed. It is a blatant form of complicity. 

The international silence surrounding Barghouti’s continued imprisonment exposes the hypocrisy of Western democracy-promotion. It also reflects the fear that his return to politics could re-energise Palestinian civil society and revive a movement grounded in law, dignity, and justice.

After more than two decades in an Israeli cell, Marwan Barghouti remains unbroken. He represents not only the political future of Palestine but also the moral mirror of Israel’s occupation. If Israel truly sought peace, it would release him and begin dialogue with those who speak for their people — not those appointed by foreign powers. We must be talking about the Prisoner, Marwan Barghouti and the Nation, not the Blairs, Kushner’s who have come to further fleece the Palestinians. 

For now, it must be said: The real prisoner today is not Barghouti alone. It is the idea of a just and equal peace, locked away by those who fear its power. His freedom would not end the conflict overnight. But it would prove that peace is still possible – if built on justice, not subjugation.

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The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.