Netanyahu’s US visit exposes the hateful religious extremist origins of Zionism

During his latest trip to the US, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu underscored the deep alliance between Israel and the evangelical Christian community. “We have no better friends than you,” Netanyahu told prominent evangelical leaders in Washington DC. The meeting took place just before his address to a joint session of Congress, and included influential figures like Pastor John Hagee, founder of Christians United for Israel (CUFI).

Netanyahu’s comments reflect a deep bond that has been cultivated over decades and even centuries between Zionism and Christian Millenarianism, the belief in the Biblical prophecy of the rapture and the second coming of Jesus.

Long before Theodor Herzl, Christian Zionists were among the earliest advocates of the “return” of Jews to the Holy Land. These early proponents laid the political and ideological groundwork that led eventually to the establishment of the state of Israel in Palestine, which Palestinians remember as the Nakba (Catastrophe). Their efforts not only advanced an extreme religious viewpoint, but also aligned with political and imperial objectives. This set the stage for modern support structures that continue to furnish the Zionist project with essential backing.

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Although belief in theories about the end-of-times is not exclusive to Judaism and Christianity, no other movement committed to an extreme religious vision, such as the evangelical Christians, has the backing of state institutions to advance their messianic goals. Islamic eschatology, for example, lacks political agency, and groups that view themselves as agents in end-of-times events, such as Daesh, are very marginal. Similarly, secular versions of end-of-times prophesy about an earthly utopia, such as Marxism, are also much maligned and marginalised.

Since its origins in the 19th century, Christian Millenarianism has intertwined imperial power, state interests and Zionism. Figures like Lord Shaftesbury and Arthur Balfour in Britain were early proponents of the “return” of Jews to their ancestral homeland. Their advocacy culminated in the notorious 1917 Balfour Declaration, a pivotal document that symbolised the merging of religious aspirations with political and imperial agendas.

Individuals like Balfour were motivated by a combination of religious beliefs and political interests.

They saw the restoration of a sizeable community of Jews in Palestine as a fulfilment of Biblical prophecy and as a means to advance Western interest in the region. Shaftesbury, for instance, was a fervent supporter of getting Jews to migrate to Palestine and worked tirelessly to promote this idea among British policymakers.

The Balfour Declaration expressed British support for the “establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people” — in Palestine and national home being the apposite words — and its author was also inspired by Christian Zionist beliefs. The declaration was a pivotal moment in the Zionist movement. This early support from Christian Zionists set the stage for the eventual creation of Israel in 1948 and everything that has followed since, including the genocide in the besieged Gaza Strip — one of numerous massacres over the years — which is fully backed the US government as well as the American evangelical Christian community.

The connection between Christian Zionism and the modern evangelical movement was on clear display in the actions and rhetoric of leaders like Hagee. His CUFI is one of the most influential pro-Israel advocacy groups in the US, playing a key role in lobbying for foreign policies that align with Israeli interests. At the recent meeting with Netanyahu, Hagee stated, “Our message today to the prime minister and to the Jewish people of Israel and the United States [is] that the Christians of America stand solidly with Israel.”

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Other American Christian leaders echoed Hagee. Tony Perkins, who heads the Family Research Council, which is designated as a hate group by the Southern Poverty Law Centre, said: “I think Israel and the Jewish people have no greater supporter, ally and friend than evangelical, Bible-believing Christians in this country.”

Like Christian Zionism, Hagee’s unwavering support is rooted in theological and eschatological beliefs. Evangelicals see the establishment and continued existence of Israel as a fulfilment of Biblical prophecy. They too believe that the “return” of Jews to what they perceive to be the Jewish homeland is a precursor to the second coming of Christ. Their eschatological perspective drives their political support for Israel, believing it to be a divine mandate.

Needless to say, their extreme interpretation of biblical texts disregards centuries of Palestinian history and the reality that indigenous Jews have historically been a small minority in the region. In the eyes of Zionist ideologues, Palestinians were never actors in history warranting their consideration. Moreover, this selective reading of history and scripture is the source of much of the violence, which is rooted in a political agenda that aligns Christian extremists with the territorial and ideological goals of the Israeli state, at the expense of Palestinian rights and sovereignty.

During his meeting with the CUFI, Netanyahu acknowledged the vital role played by Christian Zionists. “We have no better friends than you, and I don’t say that lightly or haphazardly,” said the Israeli prime minister. “It comes from the heart. It also comes from knowing how deeply you are committed to Israel, and how strongly you stand up for Israel, stand up for the truth, stand up for our common heritage and our common values.”

The depth of this relationship is demonstrated further by the timing of Netanyahu’s meeting with evangelical leaders and his subsequent speech to Congress, coinciding with the International Criminal Court (ICC) seeking arrest warrants for Netanyahu on charges of war crimes and crimes against humanity, and Israel being under investigation by the International Court of Justice for genocide.

Unlike his previous appearances on the podium at the Capitol Building, Netanyahu’s latest speech to Congress was clouded by the genocide case.

No other foreign leader has spoken to the US Congress while facing such serious allegations. Despite the ongoing horror in Gaza, Netanyahu made his fourth address, the most by any world leader. His earlier speeches in 1996, 2011 and 2015 were not delivered amid what many people regard as a war of annihilation against the Palestinians.

The theological beliefs driving evangelical support for Israel are closely linked with messianic expectations and apocalyptic visions, such as the rebuilding of the Third Temple. These religious convictions often shape US policy towards Israel, frequently taking precedence over political interests, including those of the US itself, and least of all considerations of international law and the rights of millions of non-Jews in Palestine.

It is a marriage that has endured despite its inherent paradox. While evangelical Christians staunchly support Israel, many believe that Jews must return to the apartheid state to fulfil Biblical prophecy that instrumentalises Jewish destiny for Christian eschatological purposes. This belief includes the expectation that Jews will either convert to Christianity or face destruction upon the Messiah’s return. Such views, while presented as supportive, are inherently patronising and problematic, reducing Jewish people to mere actors in a Christian narrative.

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Netanyahu’s trip to the US and his engagement with evangelical leaders highlight, at least as far as Israel is concerned, the nefarious intersection of religion, politics and international relations. His efforts to secure bipartisan support in Congress aim to reinforce the narrative of Israel as a beleaguered state in need of unwavering support, a message that resonates strongly with evangelical Christians.

Yet, it must be pointed out that the embrace of Netanyahu by the US Congress has sparked discomfort among many US citizens, including American Jews. They feel increasingly uneasy with the blending of religious prophecy and state policy to sustain a settler-colonial, political entity the success of which hinges on the suppression of the native Palestinian population, and maybe also their genocide.

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The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.