Israel’s men in Syria: Tel Aviv is exploiting the Kurds as proxies for its occupation

It has long been a classic hallmark of a colonial government or authority to groom a disadvantaged minority in a subjugated region to either foster long-term generational divisions or to counter a rival power – a strategy that does, tragically, exploit the real grievances of those groups.

A century after the French prepared the Alawites for power in Syria and the Maronite Christians in Lebanon, Western powers have steadily been growing their support for Syrian Kurds through the direct backing of their militias in Syria’s northeast over the years.

With both the US military assistance to the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) and the People’s Protection Units (YPG) and various European states’ diplomatic coordination with those militias’ autonomous administration (AANES), there has been no shortage of Western support for and recognition for Kurdish separatist interests in Syria.

There now seems to be yet another prominent potential backer of those chess pieces in the form of Israel. Tel Aviv is far from new to the scene but has kept quiet about its public stance on the matter over the years, giving the impression that it viewed the Kurds more as a sideshow than as a regional player.

Nevertheless, the Kurds have long been on Israel’s radar, as has Israel on the Kurdish separatists’ radar, both viewing one another as a very real opportunity to mutually expand their regional goals and interests.

So when the Syrian regime of Bashar Al-Assad collapsed, and his dynasty’s rule over the country finally ended after almost six decades, the regional chessboard was overturned and the status quo was left void. This provided Tel Aviv with an opportunity to not only militarily advance further into Syria to establish a “buffer zone’” for an existing buffer zone but also to territorially divide the country by exploiting ethnic minority tensions to recruit Israel’s men in Syria.

Israel and the Kurds: Love or convenience?

Back in November, prior to Al-Assad’s fall, Israel’s foreign minister Gideon Saar stated that the Israeli government should reach out to Syria’s Kurdish groups and other regional minorities as they are “natural” allies. Remarking that Kurds are “a victim of oppression and aggression from Iran and Turkiye”, he called for stronger Israeli ties with them and admitted that such a goal has both “political and security aspects”.

Israeli opposition leader Yair Golan, from the Democratic party, also stressed on X: “Israel must be concerned about one basic thing: a Turkish attack against the Kurds in Syria… Israel must take the initiative and take advantage of overt and covert channels to support the Kurds. A strong Kurdish territory is security for Israel.”

READ: The new Syria, as Israel wants it

In turn, according to Israel’s state channel KAN, the Kurdish People’s Protection Units (YPG) militia in Syria has even asked the Israeli government for assistance to keep their power base in the northeast of the country in the potential event of a US military withdrawal. Israeli and Kurdish militant officials reportedly established a “communication channel” in the weeks following the collapse of Assad.

Such communications have not gone unnoticed, of course, and have reportedly caused a senior official from Iraq’s Kurdistan region to warn Tel Aviv that its public support for the Syrian Kurds only harms their affairs and serves the interests of “extremist parties” and Iran. That official notably told the Israelis that the open support exposes the Kurds to the risk of losing their regional status and standing as it would portray them as collaborators with Israel and its occupation.

Israel’s colonial doctrine vs the Turks

The Israeli outreach to the Kurds is hardly anything novel but extends decades back to the 1950s, 60s and 70s as a key part of Tel Aviv’s “Peripheral Doctrine” – a foreign policy strategy which spearheaded greater bilateral ties with non-Arab communities and states throughout the Middle East and North Africa for the purpose of forming a counterweight to hostile Arab states and militaries.

Under this project, Israel’s intelligence services established contact with the Kurdish resistance movement in Iraq at the time, led by Mustafa Barzani, founder of the ruling Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), who made multiple trips to Israel in support of those relations. However, that open cooperation was suspended in the mid-1970s

An article in Haaretz highlighted the historical reality: “Everyone who pretended to be their [Kurds] friend would betray them, including Israel, which in the ’70s cooperated with the Kurds against common enemies and then not only abandoned them but also provided drones to Turkey, which killed them and helped the Turks arrest Kurdish guerrilla commanders.”

Stating, “the Kurds’ hand is still extended,” it insisted that the Kurds in Syria and the region have “potential for a true alliance with Israel” as they are in “existential danger” from a potential Turkish offensive. “Israel should do more than just talk and make promises, it should help the Kurds,” the writer urged, claiming that the occupation will otherwise: “Lose allies in the most strategic region for Israel in favour of murderous jihadis in the service of Erdogan.”

READ: Israel financially backed Kurdish rebels: Turkiye official says

This year and coming years will likely witness Israeli provision of military support for the Kurdish militants in Syria, either covertly or through the avenue of support from the US and other Western nations. Tel Aviv may deem it useful, for example, to provide intelligence, military training or even advanced technology to those Kurdish forces, which could include drones, surveillance systems or greater cyber capabilities.

As with much of the region, and indeed across many continents, Israel likely already possesses a network of intelligence operatives and assets throughout Syria, and there is a strong possibility that certain areas in the country are overrun by Israeli espionage.

Another way Israel could boost support for the Kurds would be through diplomatic backing in the international arena, particularly via monetary efforts to lobby groups or advocacy in the halls of power within Washington and other Western capitals.

As the Israeli author of the aforementioned article suggested, the Kurdish militias: “Can be provided with arms to battle the Turkish and jihadi drones. Israel’s friends in the US Congress can be persuaded to push for a cease-fire or convince the Americans to stay in northern Syria and not forsake the Kurds… And a lot more can be done in intelligence, cyberwar and arms.”

Just like Israel aimed to undermine the surrounding Arab states all those decades ago by fostering greater relations with “peripheral” groups and minorities such as the Kurds, it is apparently set on redrawing from that old colonial strategy by potentially backing the Kurdish militias in Syria—however, this time, primarily against Turkiye and its growing influence.

Additionally, it sees an opportunity to not only undermine Ankara itself but also the entire region, with the strategy serving as an ideal way to upend and work against other regional states that have a stake in combating Kurdish militancy and separatism.

READ: How will the new Syria handle its ‘Greater Israel’ problem?

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.