Saudi Arabia should consider regional leadership as an alternative to normalisation with Israel

Looking at the issue objectively, Saudi Arabia does not need to normalise relations with the occupation state of Israel after the collapse of the Iranian axis in the region, the end of Tehran’s influence in Syria in particular and its significant decline in Lebanon. The US and other right-wing Zionist lobbies that were pushing Saudi Arabia to normalisation no longer have an argument to continue to do so. These lobbies, successive US administrations, Netanyahu and Israeli governments are the ones begging for normalisation with Saudi Arabia, because all would benefit from it, but the biggest loser would be Saudi Arabia itself. However, policy and statements issued by Riyadh, especially in the wake of the crazy statements by the man in the White House, all indicate a firmness in the Saudi position that has strengthened the Arab position as a whole, whether about calling for the displacement of Palestinians from Gaza, or on the issue of the Palestinian state.

The major regional transformations are finally in Saudi Arabia’s favour. Together, they can enhance the Saudi position in the face of Trump’s pressure, especially since he has lost many US allies with his words, not least in Western Europe. A closer look at these transformations and their Saudi diplomatic translation shows that, at the regional level, a vacuum has emerged following Iran’s effective departure from Syria and Lebanon. This has left space for Saudi Arabia to advance in the Middle East that needs Arab regional leadership. There may be no other country that can take on this role other than Saudi Arabia, if it sets this as an achievable goal.

It is true that Turkiye plays a pivotal role in Syria, but the latter’s future is governed by its Arab surroundings, and without Gulf support (including Saudi support), it will not stand on its own two feet as it aims to do and as we would all like it to do. This means that Syria, which was the heart of the Iranian crescent that frightened Saudi Arabia, is gradually becoming the heart of the Arab circle that is searching for regional leadership. When Saudi Arabia wins Syria, and with Iran retreating to the east, what is its actual, political and security need for normalisation with the occupation state, which will affect its position and regional leadership?

Moreover, Saudi Arabia does not need to declare war on Israel, nor even to spite America.

All it needs to put on the table is the 2002 Arab Peace Initiative. This stems from international organisations and enjoys the support of most (if not all) countries in the world. It is essential for a collective Saudi and Arab discourse to develop around that initiative. Although it represents the bare minimum of legitimate Palestinian rights, it imposes a strong and collective diplomatic position, which must not be compromised or abandoned.

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Defending Palestinian rights and the Palestinian cause is the gateway to regional influence. Egypt’s former President Gamal Abdel Nasser, Iraq’s late leader Saddam Hussein and even Iran demonstrated that Palestine and the defence of its cause, even if just verbally and less than sincerely, is what gave many Arab leaders regional legitimacy. Neglecting Palestine and abandoning it leads to the opposite. The region, its politics, its politicians and everyone else have now entered a new phase that has gone beyond the possibility of using Palestine as a propaganda tool, which has been exploited to a deplorable degree. At the same time, there is a real possibility of assuming regional leadership and receiving respect from everyone in the Arab world if the Palestinian cause is actually and practically adopted at this critical moment by Saudi Arabia within a clear and strong policy and diplomacy based on the Arab Peace Initiative.

The tempting offers made to Saudi Arabia as benefits of normalisation, whether in military, security or technological terms, include help to build nuclear energy reactors.

All can be obtained from many other places, including Europe or China.

Indeed, China is on a continuous upward spiral that sets the year 2049 as the maximum time frame for Beijing to become the world capital and the main superpower despite Washington and its allies. Why would they want Saudi Arabia to involve itself and its future with powers that are declining gradually?

However, the spectre of Trump and his continuous targeting of Saudi Arabia hovers in the background, putting pressure on Riyadh, belittling the Kingdom and only viewing it as a country with deep pockets that pays up on demand. What we have to remember, though, is that Trump will disappear in 2029, assuming that he even lasts his presidential term.

The US president is not a divine being to whom we must submit and shape international and regional politics according to his whims. All governments, as well as NGOs, can buy time and survive until he goes back to being an ex-president. His policies and infantile statements calling for the annexation of Canada, the Panama Canal and Greenland, as well control over Gaza, have created a favourable climate to reject his orders and demands, as they come from a politically and perhaps psychologically unsound source.

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Even America’s closest allies have rejected his statements. The German chancellor, for example, rejects the displacement of Palestinians from Gaza, and confirms that the enclave is to be part of the Palestinian state, along with East Jerusalem and the West Bank. We have seen Canadian, European and Latin American positions rejecting Trump’s statements, and China is on that list too.

In the Arab world, there is growing Arab rejection with Egypt, Jordan and Saudi Arabia joining the chorus of condemnation. The Saudi position provides regional protection for the others in the region.

All of this provides Saudi Arabia with a great opportunity for regional leadership which is consistent with the current vision of developing the Kingdom and its role in all fields in the near future. Regional leadership comes with responsibilities and costs, of course, and at the forefront of these responsibilities is Palestine and its cause.

Contrary to what Washington and Tel Aviv want, Riyadh can lead the region in most areas, including Palestine, rather than at Palestine’s expense.

What the fanatical right-wing lobbies in Congress and the Knesset want is to completely neutralise Saudi Arabia in the short term, and to disrupt Saudi aspirations to build a cohesive regional entity in the long term. They know very well that Saudi Arabia will lose a lot, especially in terms of its image and political capital in the Arab and Islamic worlds, if it is lured into normalisation for free and without any benefits. The indulgent words and hypocritical praise from the symbols of the fanatical far right aim to implicate Saudi Arabia and have been exposed.

Netanyahu could not suppress his Zionist fanaticism when he attacked Riyadh and insisted that the Kingdom has enough land to establish a Palestinian state within its own borders. Saudi Arabia has the chance now to demonstrate its regional leadership credentials and show that it is no Zionist lackey waiting to do the apartheid state’s bidding. Let’s hope that it takes this opportunity.

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This article first appeared in Arabic in Al-Araby Al-Jadeed on 10 February 2025

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.