Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva’s victory in the second round of Brazil’s presidential election safeguards the country’s path towards determining its own destiny and contributing to the construction of a less unequal international order.
For me, his victory over Flávio Bolsonaro also represents a defeat for the project of subordinating Brazilian foreign policy to the priorities of the United States and Israel. The ballot box has renewed the responsibility to translate diplomatic independence into development, solidarity and the defence of peace.
According to Brazil’s Superior Electoral Court (TSE), Lula secured 64,256,232 votes, representing 51.79 per cent of valid ballots, against Flávio Bolsonaro’s 59,826,041 votes, or 48.21 per cent — a margin of 4,430,191 votes. In the first round, Lula had trailed his opponent, receiving 45.16 per cent compared with Bolsonaro’s 47.03 per cent.
Overturning this deficit demonstrated the campaign’s ability to mobilise society once again, increasing its vote by more than ten million between the two rounds.
Lula’s victory strengthens the prospects for a foreign policy committed to the Global South, expanding economic, scientific and cultural partnerships while advocating international institutions that better represent developing countries.
Strengthening BRICS is central to this strategy. During Brazil’s presidency of the grouping in 2025, cooperation among Global South countries and reform of international governance were among its priorities. Lula’s renewed mandate provides an opportunity to deepen this agenda, expand alternative sources of development finance and promote technological cooperation.
Among Brazilian citizens voting in BRICS countries, Lula won in mainland China with 73.67 per cent and Russia with 64.52 per cent. He also secured majorities in India, Iran and Egypt, where he received 78.95 per cent. The results were not uniform across the bloc: Flávio Bolsonaro won among Brazilian voters in South Africa and the United Arab Emirates. These figures reflect the choices of Brazilian voters abroad, not the political preferences of the populations or governments of those countries.
In Palestine, the election result carried particular political significance. Lula received 1,000 votes, equivalent to 95.60 per cent, compared with just 46 for Flávio Bolsonaro. Although voting decisions are shaped by multiple factors, I see this overwhelming preference as reflecting an affinity with Lula’s defence of Palestinian rights.
In Israel, by contrast, Flávio Bolsonaro, who advocates alignment with Benjamin Netanyahu’s government, which I regard as responsible for genocide, received 699 votes (80.8 per cent), compared with Lula’s 166 votes (19.2 per cent). The figures reveal a striking contrast between the two groups of Brazilian voters.
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Lula’s relationship with Palestine has deep historical roots. In 2010, his government recognised the State of Palestine within the 1967 borders. As I examine in my book, Palestine: From the Myth of the Promised Land to the Land of Resistance, recognising Palestinian self-determination means acknowledging Palestinians as a people entitled to rights and sovereignty.
Faced with the devastation of Gaza, Lula denounced the genocide of the Palestinian people, condemned the complicity of Western powers and demanded an international response. In challenging Israel’s impunity, he reaffirmed that no state stands above international law.
Lula’s new mandate must reinforce this position and translate it into more effective diplomatic, commercial and military initiatives. Solidarity must have tangible political consequences, confronting the impunity of the Zionist regime that enables the continuation of violence and upholding the Palestinian people’s right to freedom and sovereignty.
Mercosur is another indispensable pillar. Brazil will have greater negotiating power internationally if it strengthens integration with its neighbours, develops regional production chains and expands the infrastructure connecting South American countries.
This approach also enables Brazil to contribute to conflict mediation. Our diplomatic strength depends on the credibility to engage with opposing parties, put forward proposals and uphold international law. Peace requires initiatives that reduce tensions and protect populations affected by war.
Brazil’s diplomatic efforts concerning Iran’s nuclear programme illustrate this potential. On 17 May 2010, Brazil, Turkiye and Iran signed the Tehran Declaration. The proposal envisaged transferring 1,200 kilograms of Iranian low-enriched uranium to Turkiye in exchange for 120 kilograms of nuclear fuel for the Tehran Research Reactor, used for medical purposes. The agreement sought to build confidence and open the way towards a negotiated settlement.
Although the declaration did not resolve the dispute and was separate from the 2015 nuclear agreement, it demonstrated that countries of the Global South can formulate diplomatic alternatives to international deadlocks. This experience should inspire renewed efforts towards negotiation, non-proliferation and the peaceful use of nuclear energy.
Lula’s victory should usher in a new phase of sovereign national assertion. It offers an opportunity to strengthen BRICS and Mercosur, expand cooperation with the Global South and transform solidarity with Palestine into concrete political action.
Solidarity with Palestine and dialogue with Iran are integral to a foreign policy that must serve Brazilian sovereignty and the pursuit of peace. Lula’s renewed mandate must turn this opportunity into action.
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The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.









