The BRICS Rio de Janeiro Declaration, issued on 7 July 2025 offers one of the clearest and most forthright positions to date by a major international bloc on Israel’s assault on Gaza and the wider Palestinian crisis. While Western powers remain evasive, and ASEAN stays cautiously neutral, BRICS has broken ranks by naming the reality for what it is: a war of aggression, not a war of defence.
The declaration is full of the right words—words that are rare in international forums. It names the use of starvation as a method of warfare, condemns obstruction of humanitarian aid, and expresses “grave concern” over Israel’s ongoing attacks on Gaza. These are not minor rhetorical moves. In the heavily sanitised language of international diplomacy, such phrasing signals a growing willingness to confront what Western powers still refuse to name: that Israel’s actions in Gaza and across the Occupied Palestinian Territory amount to war crimes—and, as the ICJ has indicated, may amount to genocide.
Crucially, the BRICS countries also reference the ICJ’s provisional measures in South Africa’s genocide case against Israel. This matters. By invoking the Court’s ruling, BRICS affirms that Israel’s conduct is not merely a political dispute, but a legal and moral crisis under international law. It underscores that the Israeli state cannot continue its actions without legal consequence—at least outside the West’s protective shield.
Another important detail is BRICS’ reaffirmation of support for UNRWA. At a time when the US has defunded the agency on thin political pretexts, BRICS’ stance helps shore up the institution most responsible for the survival of millions of Palestinian refugees. It’s a symbolic but also practical gesture that reinforces the right of return—a right embedded in international law, but erased in the logic of the two-state peace process.
And yet, despite these important moves, BRICS stops short of what is needed. Like so many international statements before it, the declaration still clings to the outdated framework of the two-state solution, calling for a sovereign Palestinian state “within the 1967 borders,” with East Jerusalem as its capital.
This is not just unrealistic—it is disconnected from the present. Israel controls all territory from the Jordan River to the Mediterranean Sea. The settlement project in the West Bank is irreversible. The siege on Gaza is not temporary—it is structural. Even Palestinian citizens of Israel live under dozens of laws that codify second-class status. The idea that a viable Palestinian state could emerge from this reality has been overtaken by facts on the ground. There is already one state—it just happens to be an apartheid state.
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Any serious effort to support Palestinian liberation must start with this recognition: that partition has failed, and that the future must be built on the principle of equal rights for all. A single state—where Palestinians and Jews live as political equals under one law—is not a utopian fantasy. It is the only outcome compatible with justice.
BRICS, a bloc that speaks often of anti-colonial solidarity and inclusive governance, should be the first to endorse this vision. Instead, by reaffirming the two-state paradigm, it risks entrenching a diplomatic illusion that has long been used to delay meaningful change.
Of course, moving beyond words also means applying real pressure. BRICS has leverage—but it has not yet used it. If the bloc is serious about peace and justice, it must match its declarations with action: economic measures against companies and institutions complicit in Israeli apartheid; restrictions on arms sales and military cooperation; coordinated diplomatic recognition of Palestinian legal claims in international courts. The declaration denounces forced displacement and demographic engineering in Gaza—but what will BRICS do if such actions continue?
The bloc also emphasizes “the importance of unifying the West Bank and Gaza under the Palestinian Authority.” While unity is crucial, BRICS should be wary of reinforcing an institution that is unelected, weakened, and widely seen by Palestinians as complicit in maintaining the status quo. Reforming the PA is not enough. Any political solution must come from legitimacy among Palestinians themselves, not from international preference for quiet interlocutors.
Indonesia, as a longstanding and vocal advocate for Palestinian rights and a key member of BRICS, has a vital role to play in shaping the bloc’s next steps. Within ASEAN, Indonesia has been among the more consistent and principled voices on the Palestinian issue. BRICS now offers a broader and more aligned platform—rooted in the priorities of the Global South—where Indonesia can help steer the conversation beyond symbolic declarations and toward a rights-based, post-colonial vision of justice grounded in equality and international law.
Palestinians are not asking for handouts or charity. They are demanding freedom, dignity, and equality. The BRICS declaration gestures in that direction, but stops short of naming the political structure that must be dismantled: the apartheid regime that governs them.
So yes, BRICS’ words are welcome—more welcome than most. But this moment does not call for more statements. It calls for action. Real solidarity requires confronting not just the symptoms of occupation, but its root: the system that denies Palestinians the right to live as equals in the land they call home.
The Palestinians have heard enough speeches. Now they need power on their side.
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