Why Indonesia joined the Badr pact, and what it must do next

On Wednesday, 21st  October, four Muslim-majority countries signed a new defence agreement in Doha, the capital of Qatar. Turkiye, Qatar, Pakistan and Indonesia call it the “Badr Memorandum of Understanding”. A memorandum of understanding is a formal promise to work together. It is not a full treaty, and it does not force any member to go to war for another.

The name carries a message. As one Lebanese outlet reported, Badr means “full moon” in Arabic. For many Muslims, the word also recalls the Battle of Badr, a famous early victory in Islamic history.

For Indonesia, the country with the largest Muslim population in the world, this is a quiet but important step. Jakarta sent its Deputy Defence Minister, Yusuf Jauhari, to sign in Doha. So far, the Indonesian defence ministry has shared almost no details with the public.

What the pact does

The Turkish defence ministry explained that the agreement aims to connect the arms industries of the four countries. It covers making military equipment together, technical training and research. The ministry described the goal as using “the unique military production capabilities of each country”.

Readers should not mix up Badr with another pact. In August, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and Turkiye created the Mecca Defence Alliance, in which an attack on one member counts as an attack on all. Indonesia is not part of that alliance. Badr is about factories, engineers and supply chains.

Why Indonesia joined

First, much of this partnership already exists. Indonesia has agreed to buy 48 KAAN fighter jets from Turkiye, a deal reported to be worth more than 10 billion US dollars, and some parts will be made in Indonesia. PT Pindad, Indonesia’s state arms maker, and the Turkish company FNSS designed the Kaplan MT medium tank together, and it is now built in Indonesia. The Turkish missile maker Roketsan has also promised to produce Atmaca anti-ship missiles with an Indonesian partner. Badr brings these separate deals under one roof.

Second, there is Pakistan. In January, sources told Reuters that Jakarta was in advanced talks to buy about 40 JF-17 fighter jets and Pakistani drones. As one Jakarta think tank pointed out, the two countries together are home to about one quarter of all Muslims in the world.

Third, there is Qatar, which brings money and diplomatic influence. In 2025, President Prabowo Subianto and the Emir of Qatar witnessed the signing of a strategic dialogue that includes defence. When Israel attacked Doha in September 2025, Prabowo flew there within days to show support.

READ: Turkiye, Qatar, Indonesia and Pakistan sign defense cooperation pact

The deeper reason is Indonesia’s long wish to avoid depending on any single supplier. Its air force flies American F-16s and Russian Sukhoi jets, and it has ordered French Rafales. Working with friendly middle powers gives Jakarta more choice. More importantly, it gives Indonesian workers the chance to learn how to build weapons at home.

Why it matters

For Indonesia, the biggest prize is knowledge. A nation of about 280 million people cannot rely forever on foreign spare parts. If Badr brings real skills to Indonesian companies, it will help the country more than any single purchase.

The pact matters for the Middle East too. Since war between the United States and Iran broke out this year, Gulf states have been searching for new partners. By joining a framework signed in Doha, Indonesia moves closer to the security debates of the region than ever before. Its voice on Palestine may also gain weight when it is backed by real industrial ties with Ankara, Doha and Islamabad.

There is a risk, however. Since 1948, Indonesia’s foreign policy has followed a “free and active” principle. In plain words, Jakarta does not join any power bloc, but it still works actively for world peace. Some scholars fear this principle is getting weaker. A Gadjah Mada University professor warned that the world was starting to question Indonesia’s neutral image.

What comes next

No budget, project list or timeline has been made public. Indonesia also has a habit of signing large arms deals that later move slowly. Even the KAAN purchase led one industry analyst to ask whether it was “symbolism or substance”.

There will also be pressure to go further. Turkish leaders have said they want the Mecca alliance to grow, and Egypt is considering joining it. Jakarta should resist any attempt to turn an industrial partnership into a military alliance.

To make Badr useful, Indonesia should do three things. First, it should publish the main terms so that parliament and citizens can follow the money. Second, it should demand that every deal includes training and local production. Third, it should keep working with other partners, from Seoul to Paris, so that Badr stays one option among many.

If Jakarta gets this right, Badr can help it build a stronger defence industry while staying loyal to its independent foreign policy. If it gets it wrong, Indonesia could find itself pulled into conflicts far from home. A full moon gives light, but only to travellers who already know where they want to go.

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The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.