We are all responsible for Al-Maliki's monopoly of power in Iraq

Prime Minister Nouri Al-Maliki has attempted to deal a blow to the weak Iraqi parliament by saying that he will start spending and won’t wait for the 2014 budget law to be passed. In doing so, he ended parliament’s legislative role having already done away with its oversight when he refused to appear to answer questions about the deterioration of the security situation in the country.

It is no longer helpful to voice our disapproval and anger, and it seems foolish to continue repeating the same speeches that the Iraqis have grown sick of over the years. They amount only to the condemnation of the return of dictatorship and tyranny and deviation from the democratic approach, and claim that such practices are unconstitutional, etc., etc.

The differences between Al-Maliki and his political opponents are clear; he does not pause, but goes from one measure to another, while his opponents are content with making speeches, even though they know better than anyone else that talking without action is nothing but food for the media that makes no difference and achieves little, if anything at all. If such politicians were journalists, then we could excuse them, but that is not the case.

In fact, after Nouri Al-Maliki had dominated the military, the judiciary, the financiers and the official media, he left no margin for his opponents to invest in to deal with his disastrous mistakes and policies. As such, a response to him usually comes from the realm of dreams and fantasies, far from the reality on the ground.

This is the price we are paying for the silence and inaction in the face of the prime minister’s monopoly of power, which he began to assemble on his first day in office, in April 2006. Everyone is responsible for this.

So now we have a prime minister who monopolises power and disregards the constitution, democracy and constitutional institutions; isn’t interested in coexistence; knows nothing about peace; and does not care about losing sovereignty. All he cares about is power and uses Machiavellian methods because he believes that the end justifies the means.

We also have an opposition who wither in the face of Al-Maliki’s temptations and intimidation. Those who do not succumb to financial inducements are targeted by anti-terrorism laws to break their will. It is not only unable to function as an effective opposition, as in most other democracies, but is also threatened with liquidation, travel restrictions and prosecution on fabricated charges.

We are in an unnatural situation and a dysfunctional democracy, so sticking to the democratic rules is a futile exercise. We need to come up with the means to put pressure on the prime minister which suit the current political climate and elevate the opposition to the level of the challenge posed by Al-Maliki’s endless violations.

He has resorted to the Federal Court in an attempt to force a law out of it that cancels the legitimacy of the Council of Representatives. The court may respond, thus removing the last fig leaf behind which Medhat Al-Mahmoud, President of the Judicial Council, was hiding; or the court may hesitate and remain silent, keeping the decision pending indefinitely, which is more likely. The Council will thus be exposed to constant blackmail and will be kept busy with defending its legitimacy instead of focusing on and addressing the main issue in dispute, which is the unprecedented constitutional violation which allows the executive authority to allocate the budget without the authorisation of the people’s representatives, who are the main stakeholders in this matter.

That is why we must come up with new, perhaps unconventional means, of pressure that suit the current situation, such as, but not limited to, the following: what if the parliamentary blocs called on their supporters to gather the masses in a national stance in opposition of Al-Maliki’s approach, in which the formation of a national front to overthrow his government is announced? How about the Council of Representatives calling on the Iraqi people to gather and continue their protest in Liberation Square and then later in the vicinity of the Green Zone, until the government is toppled? What if confidence is withdrawn from Al-Maliki’s government after its violation of the constitution is proven? What if the Council of Representatives and the presidency signed a request calling for protection from the Arab Parliament and the International Parliament? How about the Council of Representatives submitting a request to the five permanent members of the UN Security Council, asking for a session to be held to discuss Nouri Al-Maliki’s revolt against the Iraqi constitution? What if the Council urged the Arab League to intervene as the house of the Arabs and the conscience of their people? Finally, and most importantly, what if the opposition politicians abandoned this political process that has now become useless on every level, and rallied with their supporters and those defending the people’s lives, honour, religion, and identity, and remembered those blood has been shed by Nouri Al-Maliki’s weapons in Fallujah, Ramadi, Hawija, Mushahada, Al-Tarmia, Al-Saadiya, Jurf Al-Sakher, Abu Ghraib, Mosul, Samarra, and Sulaiman Baik.

What if? I hope that the answer is not delayed and our situation in Iraq does not get any worse before it gets better.

Translated from Al-Sharq newspaper, 10 March, 2014

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.