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The Palestinian response to Israeli violence is remarkably restrained

A Palestinian worshipper prays at the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound in the first Friday since Israeli restrictions were lifted on 4 August 2017[Mostafa Alkharouf/Anadolu Agency]

I read something last week which looked very familiar; Myanmar state violence against the Rohingya people was said to be a “response” to an attack on police officers by a small group of “renegades”. This “response” has been completely disproportionate, involving armed security forces against unarmed men, women and children; killings, displacement and ethnic cleansing are the results. Forgotten was the fact that the victims in all of this have been persecuted by the state in what was Burma for decades. The situation has more than a few echoes of Israel’s “responses” – entirely in “self-defence”, of course – to Palestinian “terrorism”, the disingenuous term used to negate the legitimate resistance to Israel’s brutal military occupation of Palestine.

It was no surprise, therefore, to hear that Israel has been arming the military regime in Myanmar; the products of its very lucrative arms industry can be found in trouble spots all over the world. Israel sells its latest weapons on the basis that they have been “field-tested” on live targets in the occupied Palestinian territories. What’s more, Israeli security services train police forces in the West on how to “contain” civil disorder; no wonder US cops are so trigger-happy against American citizens whose Black lives clearly don’t matter. As Jeff Halper points out in such incredible detail in his book “War against the people” (Pluto Press, 2015), Israel is at the forefront of the “global pacification” of civil society by police forces which are taking an ever more paramilitary role in society.

In Israel, of course, such a role has long been the norm. State violence against unarmed civilians is commonplace when the latter are Palestinians; quite apart from the murderous military offensives against the civilians in the Gaza Strip, their compatriots living in the occupied West Bank and East Jerusalem face Israel’s armed police, border guards and army on a daily basis. All of this is very well-documented and yet Israel has still contrived to convince Western governments that it is the victim facing an existential threat when the evidence so obviously proves the opposite. Israel’s founding ideology, Zionism, and its supporters have such a grip on Western politicians that they are blind to the reality that Israel’s colonial project has eaten away at historic Palestine for almost seven decades, denuding the land of its indigenous people and those people of their rights.

“Since we can scarcely see what is happening before our eyes,” writes Noam Chomsky in “Who Rules the World” (Penguin, 2017), “it is not surprising that events at a slight distance are utterly invisible.” Nowhere is this more blatantly the case, perhaps, than in the response of the West to Israel’s colonial-occupation.

This is a year of significant anniversaries for the conflict in occupied Palestine: the centenary of the infamous Balfour Declaration; 50 years of occupation in the West Bank and Gaza Strip; and 10 years of the Israeli-led siege of Gaza. All are events steeped in or associated closely with violence. It is also 30 years since the start of the First Intifada, the “uprising” against Israel’s occupation.

The images of Israeli soldiers breaking the arms of young Palestinians caught throwing stones against the troops is one of the defining features of the intifada, and yet it started as a series of peaceful protests against the killing of four Palestinian labourers in Gaza. As Professor Mary Elizabeth King points out in “A Quiet Revolution: The First Palestinian Intifada and Nonviolent Resistance” (Nation Books, 2007), the uprising was shaped by “massive nonviolent social mobilisation”. Prof. King suggests that the media’s focus on the stone-throwers rather than peaceful demonstrations helped to shift the emphasis away from nonviolence.

The same pattern was repeated in Syria in 2011; peaceful pro-democracy demonstrations met a violent response from the government of Bashar Al-Assad, and civil war ensued, aided and abetted by outside agencies. It seems to confirm Halper’s thesis that armed conflict has become the preferred status quo for governments dependent for their power on the military-industrial complex and the “pacification” of their people.

This makes the success of the entirely peaceful Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) campaign all the more interesting. As yet another Palestinian-initiated nonviolent protest against the occupation, BDS is meeting fierce resistance from Israel, which has allocated millions of dollars and a government department to countering the “threat” of the campaign. This alone should tell us that BDS is effective and, without resorting to violence in any way, has the power to bring Israel’s state terrorism to an end.

So effective, in fact, that Western friends of Israel have decreed that BDS is beyond the pale and must not succeed. Activists are persecuted and face prosecution for daring to use peaceful means to try to end Israel’s ability to act with extreme violence and impunity against a civilian population under occupation. Such is the dystopian politics presided over by Zionist zealots in Washington, London and Europe, that a state guilty of war crimes and crimes against humanity is given political, economic and military protection against unarmed protesters seeking to make Israel accountable for its actions. You really couldn’t make this stuff up.

However, the fact that it is so bizarre should encourage BDS and other peaceful campaigners that they are on the right path. People power can win, and those governments which pretend otherwise will come to realise that they can’t trample on human rights forever. Indeed, as Israel’s perceived veneer of legitimacy is stripped away by its violent and repressive tactics carried out with contempt for international law, the world will come to understand that the Palestinian response to Israeli violence is far from being the “terrorism” that Zionist apologists and pet media would have us believe; that it is, indeed, remarkably restrained.

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  • Vinegar Hill

    An excellent article and a round of applause for the writer.

    Israel is a depraved 21st C state, a catch pool for the scum of the earth, that denies truth and reality and converts lies into truth by elimination of criticism, erasures of the past and denial of access to documents that hold the key to what happened.

    • What a lot of antisemitic lies from you. Of course you cal Jews the scum of the earth. Hitler did too.

      I read messages like yours, and write off another check to the groups that support the IDF.

      • John the Savage

        Vinegar Hill never mentioned Jews.

        • Anti-zionism is a code word for anti-semitism.

          • John the Savage

            No it is not. And Vinegar Hill never mentioned Zionism either.

          • Anti-zionism is a flimsy attempt to hide antisemitism. You are lying, and are probably a neo-Nazi genocidal maniac like “Vanilla” also.

          • John the Savage

            I support human rights, and the Palestinian right to justice and self-determination. If that makes me a neo-Nazi genocidal maniac, then I’m happy with that. But I wouldn’t say that you hate no one. You clearly hate critics of Israel.

          • You are indeed if you agree with the headline that the Palestinian governments call for and efforts to murder all Jewish people is “remarkably restrained”.

            “But I wouldn’t say that you hate no one. You clearly hate critics of Israel.”

            Criticism is fine. But demanding the murder of its people, denying the rights of Israelis to exist, and denying this nation the right to defend itself is illegitimate criticism. So yes I hate critics of Israel whose criticism is rooted purely in antisemitism.

          • John the Savage

            Personally, I don’t support Palestinian terror. But Israel supporters who justify Israel’s own crimes by saying what would xxx do…? Have to use the same argument to allow the Palestinians to also commit war crimes.

            People have a right to exist. It is debatable whether particular states do.

          • Helen4Yemen

            Until the world figures out why the European Jews were so hated and expelled more than 100 times, there will never be peace in the world.

            – 250 Carthage – 415 Alexandria – 554 Diocèse of Clermont (France) – 561 Diocèse of Uzès (France) – 612 Visigoth Spain – 642 Visigoth Empire – 855 Italy – 876 Sens – 1012 Mainz – 1182 France – 1182 Germany – 1276 Upper Bavaria – 1290 England – 1306 France – 1322 France (again) – 1348 Switzerland – 1349 Hielbronn (Germany) – 1349 Saxony – 1349 Hungary – 1360 Hungary – 1370 Belgium – 1380 Slovakia – 1388 Strasbourg – 1394 Germany – 1394 France – 1420 Lyons – 1421 Austria – 1424 Fribourg – 1424 Zurich – 1424 Cologne – 1432 Savoy – 1438 Mainz – 1439 Augsburg – 1442 Netherlands – 1444 Netherlands – 1446 Bavaria – 1453 France – 1453 Breslau – 1454 Wurzburg – 1462 Mainz – 1483 Mainz – 1484 Warsaw – 1485 Vincenza (Italy) – 1492 Spain – 1492 Italy – 1495 Lithuania – 1496 Naples – 1496 Portugal – 1498 Nuremberg – 1498 Navarre – 1510 Brandenberg – 1510 Prussia – 1514 Strasbourg – 1515 Genoa – 1519 Regensburg – 1533 Naples – 1541 Naples – 1542 Prague & Bohemia – 1550 Genoa – 1551 Bavaria – 1555 Pesaro – 1557 Prague – 1559 Austria – 1561 Prague – 1567 Wurzburg – 1569 Papal States – 1571 Brandenburg – 1582 Netherlands – 1582 Hungary – 1593 Brandenburg, Austria – 1597 Cremona, Pavia & Lodi – 1614 Frankfort – 1615 Worms – 1619 Kiev – 1648 Ukraine – 1648 Poland – 1649 Hamburg – 1654 Little Russia (Beylorus) – 1656 Lithuania – 1669 Oran (North Africa) – 1669 Vienna – 1670 Vienna – 1712 Sandomir – 1727 Russia – 1738 Wurtemburg – 1740 Little Russia (Beylorus) – 1744 Prague, Bohemia – 1744 Slovakia – 1744 Livonia – 1745 Moravia – 1753 Kovad (Lithuania) – 1761 Bordeaux – 1772 Deported to the Pale of Settlement (Poland/Russia) – 1775 Warsaw – 1789 Alsace – 1804 Villages in Russia – 1808 Villages & Countrysides (Russia) – 1815 Lbeck & Bremen – 1815 Franconia, Swabia & Bavaria – 1820 Bremen – 1843 Russian Border Austria & Prussia – 1862 Areas in the U.S. under General Grant’s Jurisdiction[1] – 1866 Galatz, Romania – 1880s Russia – 1891 Moscow – 1919 Bavaria (foreign born Jews) – 193845 Nazi Controlled Areas – 1948 Arab Countries

          • Vinegar Hill also demanded that Jewish blood be spilled. He’s rather medieval.

            Psycho Nazis like him point out the need to generously fund the Israeli military in order to prevent the massacre of millions of Israel Jews that so many, including V. Hill, want.

          • Helen4Yemen

            Why not simply return to your Khhazaric origins.

            1 Shlomo Sand: “It is clear that the fear is of an undermining of the historic right to the land. The revelation that the Jews are not from Judea would ostensibly knock the legitimacy for our being here out from under us. Since the beginning of the period of de colonization, settlers have no longer been able to say simply: ‘We came, we won and now we are here’ the way the Americans, the whites in South Africa and the Australians said. There is a very deep fear that doubt will be cast on our right to exist.”– Shlomo Sand interviewed by Haaretz Why do you think the idea of the Khazar origins is so threatening?”

            2 Shlomo Sand: “Any mention of the Khazars in the public arena in Israel came to be tagged as eccentric, freakish, and even menacing…There was anxiety about the legitimacy of the Zionist project, should it become widely known that the settling Jewish masses were not the direct descendents of the “Children of Israel”- such de-legitimization might lead to a broad challenge against the State of Israel’s right to exist.”

            3 Arthur Koestler: “The large majority of surviving Jews in the world is of Eastern European-and thus perhaps mainly of Khazar origin. If so this would mean that their ancestors came not from the Jordan but from the Volga, not from Canaan but from the Caucasus, once believed to be the cradle of the Aryan race; and that genetically they are more closely related to the Hun, Uigur, and Magyar tribes than to the seed of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. Should this turn out to be the case then the term “anti-Semitism” would become void of meaning, based on a misapprehension shared by both the killers and their victims.”

            4 Ralph Schoenman: “Mr. Benjamin Natanayahu is descendant from people who have no relation to Palestine, historic or otherwise, because Ashkenazim or European Jews such as Mr. Natanyahu or ourselves for that matter are in fact descendants of the Khazars, an 8th and 9th century empire that converted to Judaism at that time from which European Jews are descended. Indeed, as I have often discussed, if one wanted scientific data which demonstrates the ethnic origin of European Jewry. Here is the point: European Jews are susceptible to a genetic condition known Tay-Sachs disease, it is analogous to what African Americans suffer, sickle cell anemia. What is interesting about this is that only European Jews are susceptible to this genetic trait. No Semitic people is. That means none of the Jews form the Arab East, Yemen or Iraq or North Africa or any of the areas of the region, because like their Arab brothers and sisters as are the Arab Jews.”

      • Vinegar Hill

        “The Scum of the Earth” is the title of a book by an author called Arthur Koestler whom I admire as a writer.

        You both have something in common.

        • No, not at all. I hate no one, while you have a psychopathic hatred of Jews, and have everything backwards about the situation of Palestinian unprovoked aggression and genocide against Israelis.

          • Vinegar Hill

            You really are going for that drama queen award…..so don’t worry….. I will root for you and give you my vote in the end !!

          • Helen4Yemen

            Testimonies From the Censored Deir Yassin Massacre:

            ‘They Piled The Bodies and Burned Them’
            . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
            A young fellow tied to a tree and set on fire. A woman and an old
            man shot in back. Girls lined up against a wall and shot with a
            submachine gun. The testimonies collected by filmmaker Neta
            Shoshani about the massacre in Deir Yassin are difficult to
            process even 70 years after the fact
            . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
            By Ofer Aderet Jul 16, 2017
            . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
            For two years now a document that makes for difficult reading
            has been lying in the archives of the association to commemorate
            the heritage of Lehi – the Fighters for the Freedom of Israel
            pre-state underground militia. It was written by a member of the
            underground about 70 years ago. Reading it could reopen a
            bleeding wound from the days of the War of Independence that
            to this day stirs a great deal of emotion in Israeli society.
            . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
            “Last Friday together with Etzel” – the acronym for the National
            Military Organization, also known as the Irgun, another pre-state
            underground militia, led by Menachem Begin – “our movement
            carried out a tremendous operation to occupy the Arab village on
            the Jerusalem-Tel Aviv road – Deir Yassin. I participated in this
            operation in the most active way,” wrote Yehuda Feder, whose
            nom de guerre in Lehi (also known as the Stern Gang) was
            “Giora.”
            . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
            Further along in the letter, he describes in detail his part in the
            massacre that took place there. “This was the first time in my life
            that at my hands and before my eyes Arabs fell. In the village I
            killed an armed Arab man and two Arab girls of 16 or 17 who
            were helping the Arab who was shooting. I stood them against a
            wall and blasted them with two rounds from the Tommy gun,” he
            wrote, describing how he carried out the execution of the girls
            with a submachine gun.
            . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
            Along with that, he tells about looting in the village with his
            buddies after it was occupied. “We confiscated a lot of money
            and silver and gold jewelry fell into our hands,” he wrote. He
            concludes the letter with the words: “This was a really
            tremendous operation and it is with reason that the left is
            vilifying us again.”
            . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
            This letter is one of the historical documents revealed in a new
            documentary film entitled “Born in Deir Yassin” by director Neta
            Shoshani, who devoted the past several years to comprehensive
            historical research on the Deir Yassin massacre, one of the
            constitutive incidents of the War of Independence, which has
            remained a blot on Israel to this day.
            . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
            In advance of the premiere screening of the film at the Jerusalem
            Film Festival, Shoshani showed Haaretz the testimonies she has
            gathered about the incident, the result of extensive digging in
            archives along with in-depth interviews with the last living
            participants in the action. Some of them broke a silence of
            decades when they spoke to her, often for the first time in front
            of a camera.
            . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
            The assault on the village of Deir Yassin began on the morning of
            April 9, 1948, as part of Operation Nachshon to break through
            the blockaded road to Jerusalem, with the participation of about
            130 Lehi and Irgun fighters who received aid from the Haganah –
            the pre-independence army. The fighters encountered stiff
            resistance and sniper fire and advanced slowly through the
            village lanes while throwing grenades and blowing up houses.
            . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
            Four of the fighters were killed and dozens were wounded. The
            number of Arab inhabitants who were killed there and the
            circumstances of their deaths has been disputed for many years,
            but most researchers state that 110 inhabitants of the village,
            among them women, children and elderly people, were killed
            there.
            . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
            “They ran like cats,” related the commander of the operation,
            Yehoshua Zettler, the Jerusalem commander of Lehi, as he
            described the Arabs fleeing from their homes. Shoshani
            interviewed him in 2009, a few weeks before his death. Zettler
            denied that his people carried out a massacre in the village but
            he spared no words to describe the way its inhabitants were
            killed. “I won’t tell you that we were there with kid gloves on.
            House after house … we’re putting in explosives and they are
            running away. An explosion and move on, an explosion and move
            on and within a few hours, half the village isn’t there any more,”
            he said.
            . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
            Zettler also provided a harsh account of the burning of the bodies
            of those who were killed, after the village was occupied. “Our
            guys made a number of mistakes there that made me angry. Why
            did they do that?” he said. “They took dead people, piled them
            up and burned them. There began to be a stink. This is not so
            simple.”
            . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
            Another harsh account was provided by Prof. Mordechai Gichon,
            a lieutenant colonel in the Israel Defense Forces reserves, who
            was a Haganah intelligence officer sent to Deir Yassin when the
            battle ended. “To me it looked a bit like a pogrom,” said Gichon,
            who died about a year ago. “If you’re occupying an army position
            – it’s not a pogrom, even if a hundred people are killed. But if you
            are coming into a civilian locale and dead people are scattered
            around in it – then it looks like a pogrom. When the Cossacks
            burst into Jewish neighborhoods, then that should have looked
            something like this.”
            . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
            According to Gichon, “There was a feeling of considerable
            slaughter and it was hard for me to explain it to myself as having
            been done in self-defense. My impression was more of a
            massacre than anything else. If it is a matter of killing innocent
            civilians, then it can be called a massacre.”
            . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
            Yair Tsaban, a former Meretz MK and government minister,
            related in his interview with Shoshani that after the massacre, in
            which he did not participate, he was sent with fellow members of
            the Youth Brigades to bury the corpses of the dead. “The
            rationale was that the Red Cross was liable to show up at any
            moment and it was necessary to blur the traces [of the killings]
            because publication of pictures and testimonies about what had
            happened in the village would be very damaging to the image of
            our War of Independence,” he said.
            . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
            ‘They ran like cats,’ related the commander of the operation,
            Yehoshua Zettler, the Jerusalem commander of Lehi, as he
            described the Arabs fleeing from their homes in Deir Yassin.
            . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
            “I saw a fair number of corpses,” he added. “I don’t remember
            encountering the corpse of a fighting man. Not at all. I remember
            mostly women and old men.” Tsaban testified that he saw
            inhabitants shot in the back and dismissed the claims of some of
            participants in the action that the locals had been hit in
            exchanges of fire. “An old man and a woman, sitting in the corner
            of a room with their faces to the wall, and they are shot in the
            back,” he recalled. “That cannot have been in the heat of battle.
            No way.”
            . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
            The massacre at Deir Yassin had many repercussions. The Jewish
            Agency, the chief rabbis and the heads of the Haganah
            condemned it. The left used it to denounce the right. Abroad, it
            was compared to the crimes of the Nazis. Additionally, as
            historian Benny Morris notes in his book “Righteous Victims,”
            “Deir Yassin had a profound demographic and political effect: It
            was followed by mass flight of Arabs from their locales.”
            . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
            Shoshani first became interested in the Deir Yassin story about a
            decade ago, while working on her final project at the Bezalel
            Academy of Arts and Design in Jerusalem, which focused on
            visual documentation of the Kfar Shaul state psychiatric hospital,
            which in turn was built on the lands of Deir Yassin after the war.
            Following her documentation of the place as it is today, with its
            buildings that had served the village’s inhabitants in the past and
            today are part of the hospital, she also wanted to find historical
            pictures of the massacre that took place there 70 years ago.
            . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
            A street in Deir Yassin, today and in 1948. ‘Within a few hours,
            half the village wasn’t there any more,’ Zettler wrote of the day.
            . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
            To her surprise, she found that the task was not at all simple. “On
            the internet are pictures of corpses that are captioned as having
            been photographed at Deir Yassin, but they are from Sabra and
            Chatila,” she says, referring to the 1982 massacre by Christian
            militiamen of hundreds of residents of the Palestinian refugee
            camps in Lebanon. “In the IDF Archive they released to me for
            publication pictures of the fighters from Deir Yassin themselves,”
            she continued and displayed a series of photos showing armed
            Irgun and Lehi members, but no trace of the Arabs who were
            killed.
            . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
            At the Haganah Archive, where Shoshani continued her search –
            “like an naive child,” as she said – another surprise awaited her.
            “An older man came up to me, very hush-hush, took me to a side
            room and told me that he had taken pictures immediately after
            the massacre,” she said.
            . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
            The man was Shraga Peled, 91, who at the time of the massacre
            was in the Haganah Information Service. He told Shoshani that
            after the battle he was sent to the village with a camera to
            document what he saw there. “When I got to Deir Yassin, the first
            thing I saw was a big tree to which a young Arab fellow was tied.
            And this tree was burnt in a fire. They had tied him to it and
            burned him. I photographed that,” he related. He also claims he
            photographed from afar what looked like a few dozen other
            corpses collected in a quarry adjacent to the village. He handed
            the film over to his superiors, he says, and since then he has not
            seen the photos.
            . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
            ‘When the Cossacks burst into Jewish neighborhoods, then that
            should have looked something like this,’ wrote Lt. Col. Mordechai
            Gichon of Deir Yassin.
            . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
            Possibly this is because the photos are part of the visual material
            that is hidden to this day in the Archive of the IDF and the
            Defense Ministry, of which the state is prohibiting publication
            even 70 years after the fact. Shoshani petitioned the High Court
            of Justice about this a decade ago as part of her final project at
            Bezalel. Haaretz joined her in the petition.
            . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
            The state explained that publication of the pictures was liable to
            damage the state’s foreign relations and the “respect for the
            dead.” In 2010, after viewing the pictures, the Supreme Court
            justices rejected the petition, leaving the material far from the
            public eye. In the meantime Shoshani managed to get hold of
            some other photos connected to the massacre, among them a
            series of pictures documenting orphaned children whose parents
            had been killed at Deir Yassin.
            . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
            The Deir Yassin massacre continues to upset everyone who deals
            with it, even at a distance of 70 years. Not everyone agrees with
            the characterization “massacre.” Historian Dr. Uri Milstein, who
            studies Israel’s wars, does a lot to propagate the thesis that there
            wasn’t any massacre in the village. In many articles he has
            written, he claims that this is “a mendacious myth” and “a blood
            libel” and that the Arab dead were killed in “a battle in a built-up
            area.”
            . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
            “I don’t think that anyone there had the intention of coming
            there and killing children,” says Shoshani in summing up the
            materials she has gathered about the incident. However, she
            says, “This was not a battle against fighters but rather the sudden
            occupation of a village, in confrontation with inhabitants who
            defended their homes with meager means. There were also
            cases, apparently isolated, of mowing down inhabitants,
            ‘executions,’ after the fighting was over, for the purpose of
            deterrence and out of fear.”
            . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
            The Deir Yassin massacre was the first of a number of incidents in
            which Jewish fighters were involved in killing civilians in the War
            of Independence and after it was over. Another infamous incident
            was the one at Kafr Qasem in 1956, on the day the fighting in the
            Sinai Campaign began. Forty-eight Israeli Arab citizens were killed
            by Border Police gunfire. As in the case of Deir Yassin, the state is
            still censoring the archival materials from Kafr Qasem.
            . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

            http://www.haaretz.COM/israel-news/1.801307

          • Helen4Yemen

            How European Jews made the Palestinians pay for Germany’s crimes.

            APPENDIX 3 “Soon the Singing Will Turn Into A Death Moan”

            Source: Israel’s Sacred Terrorism by Livia Rokach

            The following is excerpted from Meir Har-Tzion’s Diary, published
            by Levin-Epstein, Ltd., Tel Aviv, 1969. It describes an Israeli raid in
            Gaza during the early 1950s.
            ………………………………………………………………………………..
            “We draw closer. There he stands, only a few meters in front
            of us. We leap. Gibly grabs him and I plunge the knife deep into
            his back. The blood pours over his striped cotton shirt. With not a
            second to lose, I react instinctively and stab him again. The body
            groans, struggles and then becomes quiet and still.”

            ………………………………………………………………………………..
            The wide, dry riverbed glitters in the moonlight. We advance,
            carefully, along the mountain slope. Several houses can be seen.
            Bushes and shrubbery sway in the breeze, casting their shadows
            on the ground. In the distance we can see three lights and hear
            the sounds of Arab music coming out of the homes immersed in
            darkness. We split up into three groups of four men each. Two
            groups make their way to the immense refugee camp to the
            south of our position. The other group marches towards the
            lonely house in the flat area north of Wadi Gaza. We march
            forward, trampling over green fields, wading through water
            canals as the moon bathes us in its scintillating light. Soon,
            however, the silence will be shattered by bullets, explosions, and
            the screams of those who are now sleeping peacefully. We
            advance quickly and enter one of the houses “Mann Haatha?”
            (Arabic for “Who’s there?”)
            ………………………………………………………………………………..
            We leap towards the voices. Fearing and trembling, two Arabs
            are standing up against the wall of the building. They try to
            escape. I open fire. An ear piercing scream fills the air. One man
            falls to the ground, while his friend continues to run. Now we
            must act we have no time to lose. We make our way from house
            to house as the Arabs scramble about in confusion. Machine guns
            rattle, their noise mixed with a terrible howling. We reach the
            main thoroughfare of the camp. The mob of fleeing Arabs grows
            larger. The other group attacks from the opposite direction. The
            thunder of hand grenades echoes in the distance. We receive an
            order to retreat. The attack has come to an end.
            ………………………………………………………………………………..
            On the following morning, the headlines will read: “The refugee
            camp of Al-Burj near Gaza was attacked. The camp has been
            serving as a base for infiltrators into Israeli territory. ‘Twenty
            people were killed and another twenty were wounded.”
            ………………………………………………………………………………..
            A telephone line blocks our way. We cut it and continue. A
            narrow path leads along the slope of a hill. The column marches
            forward in silence. Stop! A few rocks roll down the hill. I catch
            sight of a man surveying the silence. I grab my rifle. Gibly crawls
            over to me, “Har, for God’s sake, a knife!!” His clenched teeth
            glitter in the dark and his whole body is tight, his mind alert, “For
            God’s sake,” . . . I put my tommy down and unsheath my
            machete. We crawl towards the lone figure as he begins to sing a
            trilled Arab tune. Soon the singing will turn into a death moan. I
            am shaking, every muscle in my body is tense. This is my first
            experience with this type of weapon. Will I be able to do it?
            ………………………………………………………………………………..
            We draw closer. There he stands, only a few meters in front of us.
            We leap. Gibly grabs him and I plunge the knife deep into his
            back. The blood pours over his striped cotton shirt. With not a
            second to lose, I react instinctively and stab him again. The body
            groans, struggles and then becomes quiet and still.
            ………………………………………………………………………………..
            From an interview with Meir Har-Tzion, Ha’aretz weekly
            supplement, 9 November 1965:
            ………………………………………………………………………………..
            Pangs of conscience? No. Why should I have any? The man’s blue
            eyes open wide in amazement. “It’s easy to kill a man with a rifle.
            You press the trigger and that’s that. But a knife, why, that’s
            something else-that’s a real fight. Even if you are successful, you
            come close to death. The enemy’s blade is as close as the air. It’s
            a fantastic feeling. You realize you’re a man.”
            ………………………………………………………………………………..

            https://disqus.COM/home/discussion/channel-semite/livia_rokach_israels_sacred_terrorism_76/

          • Helen4Yemen

            Benny Morris Interview by Ari Shavit – Haaretz – 2004

            • “The revised book is a double-edged sword. It is
            based on many documents that were not available to
            me when I wrote the original book, most of them
            from the Israel Defense Forces Archives. What the
            new material shows is that there were far more Israeli
            acts of massacre than I had previously thought. To my
            surprise, there were also many cases of rape. In the
            months of April-May 1948, units of the Haganah [the
            pre-state defense force that was the precursor of the
            IDF] were given operational orders that stated
            explicitly that they were to uproot the villagers, expel
            them and destroy the villages themselves.

            • In Acre four soldiers raped a girl and murdered her
            and her father. In Jaffa, soldiers of the Kiryati Brigade
            raped one girl and tried to rape several more. At
            Hunin, which is in the Galilee, two girls were raped
            and then murdered. There were one or two cases of
            rape at Tantura, south of Haifa. There was one case of
            rape at Qula, in the center of the country. At the
            village of Abu Shusha, near Kibbutz Gezer [in the
            Ramle area] there were four female prisoners, one of
            whom was raped a number of times. And there were
            other cases. Usually more than one soldier was
            involved. usually there were one or two Palestinian
            girls. In a large proportion of the cases the event
            ended with murder. Because neither the victims nor
            the rapists liked to report these events, we have to
            assume that the dozen cases of rape that were
            reported, which I found, are not the whole story. They
            are just the tip of the iceberg.”

            • In some cases four or five people were executed, in
            others the numbers were 70, 80, 100. There was also
            a great deal of arbitrary killing. Two old men are
            spotted walking in a field – they are shot. A woman is
            found in an abandoned village – she is shot. There are
            cases such as the village of Dawayima [in the Hebron
            region], in which a column entered the village with all
            guns blazing and killed anything that moved.

            • “The worst cases were Saliha (70-80 killed), Deir
            Yassin (100-110), Lod (250), Dawayima (hundreds)
            and perhaps Abu Shusha (70). There is no
            unequivocal proof of a large-scale massacre at
            Tantura, but war crimes were perpetrated there. At
            Jaffa there was a massacre about which nothing had
            been known until now. The same at Arab al Muwassi,
            in the north. About half of the acts of massacre were
            part of Operation Hiram [in the north, in October
            1948]: at Safsaf, Saliha, Jish, Eilaboun, Arab al
            Muwasi, Deir al Asad, Majdal Krum, Sasa. In
            Operation Hiram there was a unusually high
            concentration of executions of people against a wall
            or next to a well in an orderly fashion.

            • “That can’t be chance. It’s a pattern. Apparently,
            various officers who took part in the operation
            understood that the expulsion order they received
            permitted them to do these deeds in order to
            encourage the population to take to the roads. The
            fact is that no one was punished for these acts of
            murder. Ben-Gurion silenced the matter. He covered
            up for the officers who did the massacres.

            • One of the revelations in the book is that on
            October 31, 1948, the commander of the Northern
            Front, Moshe Carmel, issued an order in writing to his
            units to expedite the removal of the Arab population.
            Carmel took this action immediately after a visit by
            Ben-Gurion to the Northern Command in Nazareth.
            There is no doubt in my mind that this order
            originated with Ben-Gurion. Just as the expulsion
            order for the city of Lod, which was signed by Yitzhak
            Rabin, was issued immediately after Ben-Gurion
            visited the headquarters of Operation Dani [July
            1948].”

            • “From April 1948, Ben-Gurion is projecting a
            message of transfer. There is no explicit order of his in
            writing, there is no orderly comprehensive policy, but
            there is an atmosphere of [population] transfer. The
            transfer idea is in the air. The entire leadership
            understands that this is the idea. The officer corps
            understands what is required of them. Under
            Ben-Gurion, a consensus of transfer is created.”

            • “Of course Ben-Gurion was a transferist. He
            understood that there could be no Jewish state with a
            large and hostile Arab minority in its midst. There
            would be no such state. It would not be able to exist.”

            • “Ben-Gurion was right. If he had not done what he
            did, a state would not have come into being. That has
            to be clear. It is impossible to evade it. Without the
            uprooting of the Palestinians, a Jewish state would
            not have arisen here.”

            • That is what Zionism faced. A Jewish state would
            not have come into being without the uprooting of
            700,000 Palestinians. Therefore it was necessary to
            uproot them. There was no choice but to expel that
            population. It was necessary to cleanse the hinterland
            and cleanse the border areas and cleanse the main
            roads.

  • Fasdunkle

    “Ibrahim” Hewitt thinks stoning adulterers to death is remarkably restrained.

    • Exactly. His writing is steeped in anti-semitism. Maybe it read better in the original 1930s German?

  • MisterSamsung Galaxy

    ‘Nowhere is this more blatantly the case, perhaps, than in the response of the West to Israel’s colonial-occupation.”
    Your wrong Ibrahim. China practices demographic colonialism in Tibet, and your muslim kin the Turks do the same in North Cyprus.
    and you dare quote Chomsky ?

  • An eye for an eye leaves everyone blind in the end. 🙁

  • Helen4Yemen

    Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei:

    ♦ Iran’s stance has always been clear on this ugly
    phenomenon (Israel). We have repeatedly said that
    this cancerous tumor of a state should be removed
    from the region… No one will allow a bunch of thugs,
    lechers and outcasts from London, America and
    Moscow to rule over the Palestinians.

    ♦ [There is only one possible solution to unrest in the
    Middle East], “namely the annihilation and
    destruction of the Zionist state.

    ♦ From now on, in any place, if any nation or any group
    confronts the Zionist regime, we will endorse and we
    will help. We have no fear expressing this… The
    Zionist regime is a cancerous tumor that must be
    removed, and God willing it will be.

    ♦ The fake Zionist regime will disappear from the
    landscape of geography.

    ♦ Israel Is A Hideous Entity In the Middle East which
    will Undoubtedly Be Annihilated.

  • Helen4Yemen

    Hassan Nasrallah

    ♦ I have learned that the state of “Israel”
    cannot be ruled in our generation without
    deceit and adventurism.

    ♦ “Israel” is our enemy. This is an aggressive,
    illegal, and illegitimate entity, which has
    no future in our land.

    ♦ Its destiny is manifested in our motto:
    “Death to Israel!”

    ♦ There is no solution to the conflict
    except with the disappearance of “Israel”.