Rebuilding Gaza and the politics of subjugation

As Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu reiterated the continuation of “Operation Protective Edge”, discussions about the rebuilding of Gaza resurface once more within a brief period since the collapse of the Egyptian proposal for a ceasefire, this time from UNICEF official Pernille Ironside.

With Israel surpassing all estimates in terms of inflicted damage, Ironside was reported by the New York Times to have stated that it would take at least “18 years to rebuild destroyed housing” if the settler-colonial state adheres to its imposed restrictions on the enclave.

While rebuilding Gaza is perceived as an unavoidable circumstance, scant attention is given to the dynamics that render such action an immediate concern that is repetitively side-lined as Israel embarks upon additional destruction. Rather than alleged revenge for the disappearance and deaths of the three Israeli settlers, or retaliation for the compromised unity government, “Protective Edge” is an exercise in colonial expansion. Hence, destruction remain a priority for Israel to be fortified in combination with the already existent blockade, as well as the imposition of further restrictions upon Gaza that ensure the permanent displacement of a considerable percentage of Gaza’s population.

Given the precedent of decades of forced displacement, 18 years as a timeframe for rebuilding may also turn out to be inadequate. The parameters through which rebuilding would commence are eliminated from the discussion, once again attempting to isolate Gaza and reconstruction from external impositions, hindering the process. Reconstruction, as with other initiatives regarding Gaza, departing from the ceasefire negotiations, will present itself as another form of control over the Palestinian population.

Egypt’s 11 clauses for a ceasefire, rejected in the past weeks by Hamas, would have rendered Gaza subservient to Israel and the international community under the guise of rebuilding. Apart from the fact that Egypt aided Israel in destroying Gaza’s tunnels, thus providing additional hardships for the population, the rejected plan allowed the Palestinian Authority, Israel and “international aid groups” sole authority in the reconstruction process.

In addition, the incessant process of settler-colonialism in Palestine ridicules the concept of time frames and estimates. Ironside reflects upon the fact that children aged seven in Gaza have now suffered the trauma of three “wars” – an inaccurate term that avoids the ramifications of Israel’s colonial violence. The incomplete process translates into the certainty of additional massacres and destruction to be perpetrated by Israel, thus ensuring that the rate of displacement and usurped territory is of a greater ratio than the remnants approved for rebuilding.

Within the current framework, rebuilding Gaza will become another lengthy process dictated by the ever-present links between humanitarian aid and human rights abuses. Discourse concerning the rebuilding of Gaza is a process of alienation, constructed in a manner that reproaches criticism about implementation as an affront to alleged international altruism. Beneath the veneer of aiding Palestinians, collective punishment in various distinct guises supersedes any attained benefits due to the international community’s constant displacement of Palestinian reality – namely the insistence on separating Israel’s colonial violence into sporadic bouts of aggression.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.