The Egyptian government is taking a stand by imprisoning Al Jazeera journalists

The recent verdict by an Egyptian court that sent three Al Jazeera journalists to prison reflects that freedom of the press in Egypt doesn’t mean you can write against President Abdel Fatah Al-Sisi, and that the judiciary is to serve the dictatorship in Egypt. To put it simply, it is not a verdict, it is a position – of the dictator. Anybody who raises their voice against that position will perish.

Controlling media has historically been one of the essential tools at the service of dictators to curb the voices of dissent. For Egypt, the situation has been even worse. Nasser, Sadat and Mubarak all controlled media content to serve their interests. In 2005, when the country was under Hosni Mubarak’s rule, Reporters Without Borders placed Egypt at an awful 143rd place of 167 nations according to press freedoms. Under the Supreme Council of Armed Forces, members of the media – both foreign and Egyptian – were arrested, beaten, interrogated and imprisoned; and the legacy continues.

For Al-Sisi, there was no better way to impose fear in media circles about the extent of his powers. Al Jazeera journalists are not suffering for “their crime”, but for the larger political game. By imprisoning them, despite condemnation at an international level, Al-Sisi is trying to set a precedence that anyone who dares to raise their voice against him shall face dire consequences. The greatest victim of this psychological impasse is Egypt’s media that is left with neither much space nor any moral courage to take a stand.

When professionalism and press objectivity are held hostage by the fear of consequences, it is a clear message about the death of democracy in any country. In such a situation, a peaceful demonstration is branded as a “violent mob” and a “threat to national security”; a massacre is defended in the name of “self-defence”; voices for justice are concluded as “hatched conspiracies” and political opposition is branded “terrorism”. Has this not been the outcome of Al-Sisi’s politics thus far? This is more a worry for Egypt’s politically-mature youth than anyone else.

Egypt needs to see things through an independent perspective and not succumb to the pressure of a dictator or the sympathy towards any “victim”. In a revolutionary transition, the policy outcome of the media plays an incredible role in manoeuvring the political perception of society. Media develops metaphors of a specific political message to influence the revolutionary transition. A great section of the media makes sure to promote the idea it adheres to through subjective assessments and conscious semantic moves. And when the transition is over, every institution in a country shall witness a positive revival. If the muzzling of voices of emancipation continues to be practiced even after the “transition”, there is a definite need for the people of the country to rethink their political rights.

For a great section of Egyptian society, there is no difference between Hosni Mubarak, Mohamed Morsi and Al-Sisi. Their social, political and economic situation saw no changes. But at the larger political level, the situation did witness changes. One may disagree with the politics of Mohamed Morsi but, during his reign, media in Egypt enjoyed more freedoms than it had before or since. It was this freedom that allowed the media to criticise his policies at will. At this stage, Al-Sisi doesn’t want to fall into the footsteps of Morsi. He knows the trick: banning certain media, imposing severe restrictions on the publication of certain content and imprisoning journalists is a way to keep the dictatorship going.

The recent decision also declares the fragility surrounding Al-Sisi’s regime. In a political setup governed by democratic principles, voices of dissent – howsoever illegitimate – are given a proper representation. Imprisoning Al Jazeera journalists is not just about a court decision, it is a subtle way to explain the unwritten rules that anyone associated with the political opposition, or anyone showing sympathy for the Muslim Brotherhood, will have to face the consequences.

For a country like Egypt, which is beset with severe economic crises, it may not be a wise option to spend too much time on the streets to press for their demands for regime change. But, if the dictator continues to rule the country, the extractible political and economic institutions will only flourish. This means that so long as this phase of dictatorship persists, the economic situation is not going to change. Can Egypt afford to suffer under another phase of dictatorship?

Iqbal Sonaullah is completing a degree in Middle East Studies at Jamia Millia Islamia University, New Delhi.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.