The messages behind Ghannouchi’s reception in Algeria

The recent frequent visits to Algeria by the leader of Tunisia’s Ennahda Party, Rachid Ghannouchi, to meet President Abdelaziz Bouteflika, send a number of important signals that cannot be ignored. Such meetings are neither routine nor polite niceties. If we look at the circumstances surrounding Bouteflika’s hosting of Ghannouchi on so many occasions, it becomes clear that all such visits follow events or moves that called for sending clear messages to specific political actors.

Ghannouchi visited the Algerian president following the escalation of terrorist attacks in Tunisia and again after certain people became uncomfortably close to Egypt’s Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi and began advocating for the replication of the Egyptian coup in Tunisia. The two also met after the attempted coup against Tunisian democracy by internal activists supported by foreign players which aimed to pull Tunisia into the inferno of conflict in the region, which would have had significant repercussions for neighbouring Algeria. They met again after signs of a rapprochement between France and a section of the Tunisian elite and those in power. There was also the visit that followed the signs that Washington was building closer ties with Mohsen Marzouk, one of Ennahda’s fiercest opponents.

The most recent visit by Ghannouchi came after moves by some Tunisians to involve the UAE in Tunisia’s domestic affairs, and attempts by some officials within the state structures to give Egypt a greater role in resolving the Libyan crisis through unconditional support for General Khalifa Haftar, who is backed by the Egyptian army.

Thus, Ghannouchi’s encounters with the Algerian leadership can be categorised as a search for both urgent short-term solutions and long-term alternatives. Algeria considers Ennahda as the most balanced and serious player on the Tunisian scene; officials see the party as the most reliable in terms of its policies and not prone to changing its positions unpredictably. Hence, for Algeria, Ennahda is a bulwark against chaos and a deterrent to those forces looking to jump into the arms of foreign states or those betting on the success of large regional powers whose goals are incompatible with those of both Tunisia and Algeria.

In terms of alternatives in the long-term, what is clear is that giving Ghannouchi such a high-profile welcome is clearly designed to send a strong message to radical exclusionary forces who want to see a scorched-earth policy in Tunisia based on crushing their ideological foes as a way to gain power and obtain foreign funding. Those who are familiar with Algerian politics know the weight of Ahmed Ouyahia and Abdelkader Messahel, and what it means to have Ghannouchi received by Bouteflika in the presence of Ouyahia (nicknamed “the Putin of Algeria”) and Messahel, the key architect of Algeria’s relations with its Maghreb, Arab and African neighbours. This more-than-official reception, which is usually reserved for heads of state, confirms that Algeria is betting on a strong and influential Ghannouchi in Tunisia and is keen to see the veteran activist either in a top position or as one of the key backers of the next president.

In the current context, the messages that Algeria is sending are not aimed at the current Tunisian President, Beji Caid Essebsi, but at those working behind the scenes to build external backing that is capable of carrying them to power. This move indicates that Algiers wants to exercise serious influence in selecting the next resident of Tunisia’s presidential palace. Through this, it aims to pull the rug from under the feet of the French, who want to be the dominant force in determining who rules Tunisia, in accordance with their interests and preferences. The Algerian move also puts Washington on the back foot, which appears increasingly to be betting on a losing horse in Tunisia.

The government in Algeria deals with Ennahda as the number one force in Tunisia, seeing other political parties as weak and artificial creations cultivated through money and the media but without political programmes or intellectual depth. Algeria’s difficulties in communicating with Tunisian ideological parties which are still stuck in the 1960s also makes Ennahda its preferred interlocutor and a bridge between Algiers and Tunis. The former’s relationship with Mohsen Marzouk, in particular, is openly hostile, and it is clear that should he rise to power, this would place a significant strain on the relationship between Tunisia and its largest neighbour. Attempts by some Tunisian leftist parties within the Popular Front alliance to make overtures to the Western Sahara in the hope that this would win them favour with Algeria, found little response; they also provoked Morocco.

Algeria’s calculations are undoubtedly influenced by Ennahda’s results in the October 2011 elections, as well as its position as the biggest party in parliament in a political system that is wracked by instability. Nevertheless, the Algerian leadership is careful not to marginalise the official representative of the Tunisian state. Just before Ghannouchi’s visit, President Essebsi was received in Algiers, as was Prime Minister Youssef Chahed. Algeria does not overlook the official channels of power, but neither does it rely on them fully. It has clearly chosen to deal with Ennahda as a safety valve in its relationship with Tunisia, while maintaining distant and cool relations with all other Tunisian parties.

Translated from Babnet, 23 January, 2017

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.