Bangladesh is on the verge of incredible reform, but concerns remain

The longest-serving prime minister of Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina, fled to India on 5 August after protests engulfed the country of 171 million people. Around 450 protesters were killed by Hasina’s brutal crackdown. At the same time, mass arrests, shoot-on-sight orders, curfews and blackouts on the media, news and internet were the defining features of how Hasina’s government responded to legitimate protests that were peaceful before the government’s brutal response.

Regime collapse often begins with a legitimate protest that spirals into violence when regimes respond with violence. The situation in Bangladesh reminds political leaders and governments once again never to underestimate people power. Oppressive regimes cannot be sustained forever, as has been evident in many examples around the world, and Hasina’s is no different. There are limits to the people’s tolerance. When they have had enough, and they lash out, no amount of brutality can stop them. Hasina’s loyal police force followed her orders and killed protesters. Many police officers are now in hiding, fearing reprisals, as are members of Hasina’s Awami League and the oligarchy that the party created. As they are apprehended one by one, details of their corruption are also being made public, underscoring the need for justice and accountability.

As the political waves ebb and flow, villains can become heroes and vice-versa. Emotions are spiked, with vengeance sought for earlier grievances, leading to irresponsible and regrettable acts. Hasina’s escape to India has prompted attacks on Hindu temples, for example. Such mob-rule and knee-jerk responses have created opportunities for criminal elements to loot and other subversive activities, resulting in community-led security measures. In the absence of any law-enforcement in the country, students and others took it upon themselves to keep the peace, control traffic and suchlike. The new government should prioritise policies and structures for community-based policing that the country needs badly.

The situation is returning to normality — with all its laxity in many matters — as the police have yet to impose law and order. Emotions continue to run high with demands for compensation and much-needed change. The authoritarian and patronage system inflicted on Bangladeshi society and institutions have damaged the country.

Retribution, revenge and carpet-bagging are not valid responses, though.

Nevertheless, students are demanding the cancellation of public exams, and there is a campaign for the resignation or removal of people from various posts, including but not limited to university faculty positions. The media are being attacked, and there are calls for banning civil society organisations, of which the Awami League is at the top of the list. There are certainly private discussions taking place about such behaviour being justified in some instances but not in others. There is an apparent disconnect between the understanding of power and authority.

Moreover, criticism of students’ behaviour, even if it is unjustified, has become taboo. I have heard from senior writers that anything critical of the students is risky, as they might retaliate with violence. It is clear who is in power, but who has the authority to exercise that power through legitimate and lawful means remains a puzzle requiring a fast solution.

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It is not clear if politically-neutral student bodies and their members who led the protests are carrying out such unruly behaviour, or if the youth and student wings of opposition political parties are responsible. Historically, muscle, extortion and criminal attitudes have marred Bangladesh’s politics. Thus, it is not surprising that some opposition parties are simply acting how they would have acted if the Awami League regime had allowed any space for them in the political arena. The league effectively banned any political space to others and dissenting voices; it acted in a wholly undemocratic and unwarranted manner. However, if the opposition parties are indeed guilty of unruly behaviour, they must realise that the Bangladeshi people deem it to be unacceptable, as well as undemocratic. If such behaviour continues, how much political reform can be achieved?

The Awami League has left all democratic, constitutional, judicial, academic, media, intelligentsia and security institutions in complete disarray through its politicisation and favouritism policies. Over the past 20 years, there have been studies on which state agency had the highest credibility rate among the people. Despite some fluctuations over the past few years, the army has passed the real test when it mattered the most. It is the military that has been instrumental in deciding who wields power, holding the nation together during power vacuums. With anarchy and chaos reigning during the last desperate days of those in power, the military decided to side with the people. However, it has maintained its distance from civil governance since the 2006-2008 military-backed caretaker government. Senior officers appear to have few aspirations for political power.

The economy remains the biggest priority, indeed the biggest problem, for Bangladesh and those in charge.

With Nobel Laureate Dr Muhammad Yunus at the helm as Chief Adviser of the country working with a new group of advisers committed to reforms, expectations are high. The business sector continues to suffer from a lack of full banking facilities, and has been hit by incompetent governance that has jeopardised foreign exchange reserves, business operations and the economic trajectory of the country. Hence the need to focus on the economy if those in charge of reforms are to have any lasting credibility. Deep reforms are needed in every sector.

In his first policy speech, Yunus emphasised support for the Rohingya community. This issue continues to be a huge burden for Bangladesh, but it does not warrant being a national governance priority just now. The speech’s key points were about appeasing the international community, for which read “the West”, and hinting that the interim government will align with Western priorities. Although it is too early to make judgments and concrete assessments of the geopolitical course that this interim government will pursue, there are strong undertones that Bangladesh may now align fully with “one over the other” in the current multipolar global dynamics.

Given Bangladesh’s economic, regional and geo-economics realities, there needs to be a genuine discourse on how it should proceed, not least in how its relations with India will evolve, especially when New Delhi’s favoured leader is no longer in power and anti-India sentiment continues at an all-time high due to its support for the Hasina-led regime. That discussion is beyond the scope of this article, but it must be underlined that Bangladesh has fallen victim to another devastating flood, as it does annually, through no fault of its own. India’s water supply policies have continued to deal the weaker hand to downstream Bangladesh. Managing the consequences of the flood, getting relief and aid to those affected and overcoming the devastation is the highest priority for the country at the moment. State apparatuses including the military are now fully focused on the situation, as are the competent student and youth bodies. It must be mentioned that the vigour, empathy and will to contribute to the cause is overwhelming and unprecedented.

Regarding priorities, the principle of authority to exercise power must be established and maintained in all sectors, in tandem with endeavours to revive the economic and financial sectors. The restoration of law and order is also urgent. There is a need to formulate and reform the rules and regulations governing politics, the civil service and the economy, which must be done to satisfy the people’s expectations and demands.

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Bangladesh has a great opportunity to introduce a transformative governance structure that will be pivoted on democratic values and principles of human rights. There must be zero tolerance for political vendettas or scapegoating of any community, especially minorities. The tide of reform must compel the political parties to adhere to positive reforms, starting with reining in their thugs. The judiciary must be reformed and transformed, ensuring independence, integrity and justice.

All of this needs to happen in parallel with holding the members of the last regime accountable for the corruption and killings.

There are many expectations placed on the interim government to ensure that the reform and transformation initiated by the students neither derails nor digresses. The students also need to do their part with respect for authority and responsible behaviour. The law enforcement agencies, government apparatuses and other agencies must act with the utmost integrity to achieve the expected transformation that this uprising has envisioned for Bangladesh. Collective welfare needs to trump petty individual and subversive communal interests. Unfortunately, emotions are forcing — consciously or subconsciously — many not to take a step back and plan their future discourse. Such behaviour leads to a stark disregard for responsible behaviour. Bangladesh is definitely on the verge of incredible reform, but many people in the country continue to have serious and justifiable concerns.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.