Long live Egypt

While General Abdel Fatah Al-Sisi is entitled to hate any news station he wishes, including Al-Araby Al-Jadid, he must also bear in mind that he has been accused of destroying Egypt. He is, after all, responsible for achieving a large part of this mission for the sake of himself and his politics. We must bear in mind that the destruction of Egypt means the destruction of us all.

I speak for myself when I say that I have a bias that favours Egypt and the role that it plays in the region. I do not see any other country as fit or capable of substituting Egypt from the East to as far west as Morocco. Perhaps my high regard for Egypt can be attributed to the dignity I heard in Gamal Abdel Nasser’s tone or the fact that I read Ahmed Shawqi’s poems or devoured page after page of novels written by Taha Hussein, Ihsan Abdel Quddous, Naguib Mahfouz and all the writers that came before and after them. Perhaps my love for Egypt can be attributed to the sense of enlightenment I felt when I read books by Muḥammad Abduh and Qasim Amin.

I cannot imagine my mental wellbeing without Sayed Darwish and Oum Kalthoum. I cannot imagine my intellectual journey without Mahmoud Amin, Abdulaziz Anis and Samir Amin. I always believed the old sayings that he who drinks from the Nile feels as though he must return to it one day and that Egypt is the mother of the world. I admit I never really cared about who Egypt’s father was.

I admit that I have been fascinated by Egypt since the very early days of my childhood. I used to consider the pyramids to be the world’s only wonder. During my childhood, I saw the Aswan Dam as a symbol of Arab resilience and rebirth. I fell in love with the persona of the dark Egyptian farmer and was enchanted by emotional songs such as “Seerat Al-Hob” and “Enta Omri“. No voice saved me from the culture of surrender like the voice of Sheikh Imam.

The dividing line between our psychological and intellectual evolutions is very thin and so is the line between a myth and a legend. And yet, often the line proves to be irrelevant. When it comes to Egypt I often used to see my history, present and my existence as something that was intertwined with the country’s history. For many of us, events like Camp David were understood as psychological blows to our self-perceptions, it was not merely a political occurrence but an existential crisis.

Egypt’s departure from the equation of the Arab-Israeli conflict was a move that tired and weakened us all and it was the biggest blow that could have possibly occurred to the Palestinian cause after the loss of land, of course. The change in Egypt’s role is also a blow to our individual and collective memories. I have no doubt that whoever designed the Camp David agreement was well aware of its long-term consequences. These individuals must have known how such an agreement would impact Egypt psychologically because it implanted a culture of surrender in our society.

It is for this reason that we were driven to Tahrir Square with a spirituality that knows no limits. Tunisia ignited the flame and the January 25 Revolution became the heart and soul of the Arab Spring. The revolution was a revolution for bread and for freedom and liberation. We embarked on this journey with the hopes of building a new society, one that would be capable of liberating Palestine.

These words are not meaningless daydreams because liberating the Arab peoples means liberating Palestine and freedom for Palestine means freedom for the Arab peoples. There is power in advancement and Egypt is strong because of its people and its capabilities. Egypt is meant to be a source of support for Palestine and a model for a new Arab world that must live in a world that is free from the oppression of political regimes.

I admit that I do not want an Islamic rule in Egypt, it is not a religious state and it never has been, it must be a state that values freedom of expression and social equality; however, July 3 was not a solution because it was a counter-revolution that facilitated the return of the old regime but with newer and meaner alliances. The counter-revolution paved the way for a new oppressive era, which many people supported because it defeated the Islamists. This was an unfortunate outcome because the left-wing liberal campaign for blood is still not over.

If the goal behind all of this was to end “the war on terror” that has been waged against Egyptian soldiers – soldiers we all care about – then I ask if targeting the opposition is really the answer here? Can one justify the bloody massacres, the destruction in values and the fascist media by saying that it is building a new Egypt?

As for the Palestinian cause, if we cannot and do not consider it to be a priority then why is the threat posed by Israel to Egypt’s security not one of our priorities? Hate Hamas if you wish but do not belittle Egypt’s role in the destruction of tunnels and closing the Rafah border on a people who are caged in a strip of land and are under siege by land, sea and air.

I admit, yet again, that I am biased towards Egypt and I do not see any other country that can even compete with its greatness because Egypt’s role [in the region] cannot be reduced to a mere technical factor. Many countries in the region try to compete with Egypt because they want to show their American masters that they too are important. Egypt is far too great a country to play small roles because small tasks dwarf the significance of Egypt’s historical legacy. So I ask… who is really destroying Egypt, Mr Sisi?

Translated from Al-Araby Al-Jadeed, 26 August, 2014

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.