The ban on the Islamic Movement in Israel

The morning of 17 December 2015 brought a new reality to the Palestinians in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, with Israel’s banning of the Islamic Movement, led by Shaikh Raed Salah, and the declaration that the movement is “outlawed”. This move was a culmination of a series of political statements and threats issued by the right-wing government in Tel Aviv, most notably by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

The ban on the Islamic Movement came at a time when the occupied territories are witnessing a popular uprising focusing on the threats to Al-Aqsa Mosque which Palestinians “will protect with our lives and blood”. This popular uprising occurred after the Israeli occupation authorities tried to impose a new status quo within the Noble Sanctuary of Al-Aqsa, with Jews to be given time, space and a right to enter the mosque, something that will be imposed on the Muslims and enforced. There is no doubt that the issue of Al-Aqsa Mosque and the role in its defence played by the Islamic Movement are the driving force behind efforts to thwart the occupying Israelis’ plans in Jerusalem and the sanctuary. This has driven the Israeli authorities to lose their cool and impose what is an unprecedented measure.

The Islamic Movement has been outlawed just as the false illusion of peace between the Palestinians and Israelis has become even more obvious, along with the delusion of the Oslo Accords, which were essentially shattered by Netanyahu’s statements that there will be no peace with terrorism and that there is no potential for an independent and sovereign Palestinian state. They have also been destroyed by the media battle fed by the Israelis against the Palestinians’ clear right to live in their homeland with dignity and sovereignty. Legitimate resistance and demands for Palestinian rights has now been labelled as “incitement to violence and terrorism”; the ban on the Islamic Movement is yet another measure taken by the Israeli authorities to rein in any individual or group voicing such legitimate demands.

Significantly, Israel’s move almost coincides with the centenary of the 1916 Sykes-Picot Agreement, which carved up the Ottoman Empire’s Arab territory between Britain and France. This deal set in motion the process of handing over Palestine to the Jews; it was followed by the infamous Balfour Declaration a year later. Today, we are facing Sykes-Picot II with the region — indeed, the whole world — witnessing battles and events causing Arab governments and states to collapse, which has allowed for the mobilisation of armies and an alliance of global powers to protect their interests. The accusation against the Islamic Movement in Israel has become that it is calling for the restoration of the Islamic caliphate and the unity of the Muslims.

The ban was an arbitrary, unjust and oppressive measure that affects every one of the 1.8 million Palestinians living in the areas occupied in 1948 and Jerusalem. This includes not only the members of the movement, its leaders and employees, but also those benefitting from its services, supporting its approach or partners in its political struggle and national aspirations.

The members of the movement joined because they relate to its understanding of religious nationalism; it represents their identity. Following the ban, these individuals have found themselves prey to questions regarding identity and the criminalisation of the movement’s work and the rule of law. They who have always held their heads up high, proud of their movement, its constants, leadership and achievements, now find their affiliation outlawed and illegitimate; they are now afraid to identify themselves and admit their affiliation. If the movement is gone, what are they members of? What party do they belong to? Will they admit to being members of the Islamic Movement? Will doing so automatically categorise them as outlaws too? If they say what they feel, will they be labelled as members of a banned movement?

The leaders have nursed the Islamic Movement from a small seed of an idea to a solid structure whose branches spread across the Palestinian people. The impact of its work has reached Muslims from the Eastern Mediterranean to the Atlantic. The movement’s employees have provided important services to ease the burdens and worries of others, including the Palestinian poor, orphans and students. Their desks now stand empty, with their offices closed down on military orders; their fate is unknown, but they have lost their jobs, essential projects and employer in one fell swoop. They have not been accused of any criminal activity or financial crime, but of affiliation with an ideology which has been banned overnight.

When we see images of workers who have lost their jobs because their company or factory was shut down for economic reasons, we hear about large and loud protests and burning tyres, attracting media coverage and sympathy. Governments are asked to intervene and find a solution to save their jobs, even at taxpayers’ expense. Where are such moves today? Why are people silent and blind to the plight of hundreds of Islamic Movement workers who aren’t asking for state money to save their jobs, only to be allowed to get on with their work of serving God and the Palestinian people?

The Palestinian political parties have woken up to an attempt to remove a vital part of the national body. The Israelis address them and tell them not to worry: “We only want part of you.” If these parties do not experience the pain now, they soon will when the next critical confrontation with the Israeli government comes along.

The orphans, needy and those memorising the Qur’an, as well as everyone else who has been served by the movement, have found themselves without a sponsor, friend or partner. As far as the masses are concerned, from those supporting the movement to its friends and those who share the same fate as every other Palestinian in the country, they have found themselves standing face to face with Israeli arrogance and oppression. It is this arrogance which has, without any explanation, notification or question, on the basis of a decision by the security minister, stripped the movement and the masses of their presence and legitimacy.

The author is a Palestinian human rights lawyer who resides in Kafr Kana

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.