Egypt’s crisis, Libyan petrol and political agendas

The crisis in relations between Egypt and Saudi Arabia has echoed loudly across the Arab arena and is especially loud in Libyan circles. Egypt is an ally of the Libyan parliament, government and army, and loyalty to the Egyptian regime is reciprocated strongly. Expressions of such loyalty has been shown to be genuine. Indeed, the current Egyptian crisis is showing just how established and strong it is.

Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar, the commander of the army affiliated with the Libyan parliament, caused a stir when he said that he would support any decision made by Egypt, even if it is against Libya’s interests. Air force commander Saqir El-Jaroshi has told of his deep support for Egypt and the Egyptian regime, and how special the relationship is, on many occasions. He has also made controversial remarks similar to those made by Haftar.

The newest expression of the special relationship with Egypt has been made by Benghazi MP Ziad Daghim, who stated confidently and clearly his encouragement for the support of Egypt during its latest crisis. He is a member of the National Sovereignty Bloc, which is known for its support for the army and Haftar, and its opposition to the political agreement. Speaking to Egyptian television, he said that he has urged the interim government affiliated with the parliament — which is limited to four ministers and not recognised by anyone outside the country, not even the Egyptians themselves — to supply Egypt with whatever crude oil it needs unconditionally and without financial considerations.

The prime minister of the interim government, Abdullah Al-Thani, has little authority locally and his administration is not recognised internationally. Nevertheless, he did what the parliamentary bloc requested, even though it represents less than 20 per cent of Libya’s MPs. Libyan oil is now flowing to Egypt to ease the fuel crisis — one of many — in the country.

The Libya-Egypt alliance has been demonstrated as simply as that. It is a limited and fragmented alliance that exists in the context of the political military conflict and would not exist under normal circumstances. The Egyptian regime was generous in its support for the Libyan parliament, government and army during the conflict with the General National Congress and its supporters. The moment can best be described as “returning the favour”. However, Daghim did not explain how a bloc with a limited number of MPs can get the government to take immediate action to help the Egyptians, despite its own serious challenges in Libya.

Of course, supporting our Egyptian neighbour is a duty and not a favour, but there are reservations about the political clashes that may result from standing with Egypt. Helping the country when we were under the General National Congress was called treachery, while under the parliament it is suddenly a national position.

Who are the Egyptians living under stress? Those under Mohamed Morsi or those under Abdel Fattah Al-Sisi? Furthermore, the Egyptians would be more understanding of the Libyans’ shortcomings due to the hardships and difficulties that have befallen the majority of our people, especially those in Benghazi.

I do not know how Daghim and Al-Thani and their supporters will justify this great generosity to the Libyan people at a time when the economic and day-to-day crisis has suffocated them, especially those living in Benghazi represented by Daghim. The city is currently witnessing a severe shortage of gas, electricity and liquid assets caused by the decline in oil production and exports, while Cairo is receiving Libyan oil on tap and without charge.

The Libyans are generous people and history testifies to their support of their neighbours; many books could be written about this. However, the situation today is different.

The suffering faced by Egyptians today is caused by an entirely fabricated political crisis, not by natural disasters or brutal colonisation. This suffering is happening at a time when the Libyans themselves are facing hardship and are looking worriedly at their own future. They, along with their wealth, from which they have been deprived, are falling into the context of political efforts that lack legitimacy.

The debate over the parliament’s authority and power after signing the political agreement is heated; discussions regarding the illegitimacy of the interim government and oil corporation in Benghazi go on non-stop. The interim government headed by Al-Thani does not convince even the supporters of the parliament, and it has not offered the people in the eastern part of the country, let alone the rest of Libya, anything substantial. Hence, is it acceptable or justified for it to make such a decision? I will leave the Libyans to comment on this and reserve the right for myself to reject such auctions and bids.

Translated from arabi21.com on 14 December 2016.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.