Gender and Political Support: Women and Hamas in the Occupied Palestinian Territories

Minna Cowper-Coles’s quantitative and qualitative research on the gender gap in the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt) shows that women are more likely to support Hamas. Gender and Political Support: Women and Hamas in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (Routledge, 2023) gives a detailed analysis of the findings of the research, against a backdrop of Israeli colonialism and military Occupation.

Cowper-Coles notes that Western gender gap literature does not necessarily explain the gender gap in the oPt, given that the research in the West focuses on post-colonial societies, not territories under occupation. The book consistently keeps the focus on Israel’s military Occupation and commences with a succinct overview of Palestine’s history, showing the political trajectory and the various grades of oppression which Palestinians face from Israel, as well as the repression attributed to the Palestinian Authority and Hamas. Studying the gender gap in the oPt enables one to find possible explanations for the divergent political support and opinion between men and woman in relation to the PA and Hamas.

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While quite detailed in terms of statistical data, Cowper-Coles explains the data in an accessible manner. The book is sectioned in a way that makes for an easier reading flow, starting with the Palestinian political context within the Israeli colonial and military Occupation, then moves to discuss the appeal of the PA and Hamas in terms of patronage and welfare, respectively. Next, the author discusses religion, nationalism and feminism, as well as violence and oppression and how these impact Palestinians’ support for the PA and Hamas. Statistics, however, indicate that the gender gap in terms of political support is largely explained by gender status in employment and religious beliefs. The book also makes the case for the research to be expanded in the Middle East.

Cowper-Coles writes how support for Fatah started declining during the second Intifada and notes that “the wars have also impacted levels of political support”. A notable difference between support for Hamas and Fatah lies in geography – Hamas is more popular in urban areas – the population density in Gaza is one factor that increases support for the Resistance movement, while Fatah finds support in rural areas where it links and networks through the clans. While Palestinian political factions started out as Resistance movement, Cowper-Coles notes that Fatah played a duplicitous role after the second Intifada. The research also showed that Fatah is more popular among less educated young males.

The book explains that since the second Intifada, Hamas tried to utilise political pragmatism, including on the 1967 borders and notes that in its 2006 electoral manifesto, it made no mention of armed resistance.

The gender gap in economy is also affected by Israel’s military Occupation. Cowper-Coles writes that the economy “does not fit the same moulds as many Western states” and mentions Israel’s military Occupation, humanitarian aid, de-development and food insecurity as contributing factors.  Furthermore, besides the gender differences as regards employment and housework, Cowper-Coles notes that the Palestinian Authority’s reliance on security coordination creates jobs opportunities for Palestinians which are not open to individuals affiliated with Hamas. Hamas, meanwhile, lacks the necessary funds to pay its workers, which results in high unemployment rates in Gaza – a situation that also goes back to Israel’s military Occupation.

Political support for different Palestinian political factions differs mostly among unmarried men and women; one of the main reasons being that the family and shared economic interests do not play a role among this group. The extended family plays a role in defining political support or allegiance, while Fatah appears the stable option due to its embracing neoliberal policies. Cowper-Coles writes about debt and how this has become a means of veering Palestinian attention away from the political struggle among adherents of Fatah.

The book finds several reasons for women’s support of Hamas. Its welfare program, which is not affiliated to the activist and political wings of the movement, is more focused on women due to their role in Palestinian society as caregivers. Religion is described as the primary explanation for the gender gap in political support for Hamas. The role of women from both a religious and societal perspective is discussed in detail – from the women’s role in child-bearing, which is also interpreted as opposition to Israel’s demographic threat, to views that deprioritise the women’s participation in the anti-colonial struggle. Islamic movements, the book notes, also gave women access to the public sphere as is their rights within Islam – a view that Western feminism will not be comfortable with and which spells the need for more understanding of the Palestinian narrative and politics. The research shows, for example, that despite Fatah being more secular, it still avoids taking a stance on women’s rights while enforcing the patriarchal society.

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Another reason while more women support Hamas is the association of men with resistance and political violence, which spells out consequences for men involved in Resistance movements. This despite, as the book states, “Palestinian masculinity has itself come to be defined by participation in the national struggle”, which indicates the expectation that men participate in anti-colonial resistance. Men are also primary targets of surveillance, while the gender roles in Palestinian society may account for the fact that less women are targeted for their resistance activities.

In the conclusion, the author notes that she had been living in Tel Aviv during the second Intifada and associates Hamas with the suicide bombings at the time. “Why would women more than men support this violent organisation that oppresses women?” she asks. “The problem with Western feminism,” the author continues, “is that it is bound up in the more comfortable priorities of women in the West. For Palestinian women, violence is a part of life, and it is something that is visited upon them and their families much more frequently. As such, they are less likely to be as horrified by the prospect of suicide bombing as western feminists.”

While the book explores many themes and makes the case for ending Israel’s military Occupation, the selected focus on suicide bombings towards the conclusion, which was largely tied to the second Intifada, seems to make for a sudden, jarring impact in comparison to the more nuanced research throughout the book. That being said, there are several noteworthy insights in the book that make compelling reading and give insights for further studies, as the research does, indeed, give space to Palestinian voices, experiences and opinions from both ends of the Palestinian political spectrum.

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