Egypt sparked the revolution and it will be victorious

Two significant events have occurred this week which constitute a turning point in the course of the Arab Spring. They have shocked many who were certain that the people would eventually win their battle against despotism. I am talking about the election of Beji Caid Essebsi as president of Tunisia and the closure of Aljazeera Mubashir Misr TV channel; the latter is seen by many people as marking a new beginning for the banishment of the media opposed to the military coup in Egypt.

Notwithstanding the significance of both events and their repercussions, they should not distract the Arabs who are struggling against oppression from focusing on the real battle. Comprehending the nature of the battle will help us to remain steadfast despite the obstacles and pitfalls placed in our way.

We are struggling for emancipation across the Arab region. It is one battle, not individual fights in each Arab country. To comprehend this, we should imagine what the Arab world would look like if the popular revolutions succeed in getting rid of despotism and corruption. We should picture what the conditions would be in the Arab states that resisted the revolutions. And this is really what matters, for the success of the battle for change will mean that states founded on corruption will lose their gains and that the people will eventually have the upper hand in controlling the resources and decisions of their countries. This is exactly what tyrants dread in every age and in every state.

Only when we comprehend the meaning and the shape of the battle will we be able to understand the radical meaning of the equation, namely that regimes would never tolerate or accept those who endeavoured to wage this battle irrespective of their methodology, ideology or approach to the conflict. Thus, after the coup, I told the Muslim Brotherhood in Libya, Tunisia and Yemen that the deep state in their respective countries as well as regional and global powers would never allow them to succeed. This is true whether their approach was to reform through state institutions as attempted by the movement in Egypt; if they tried a combination of arms and politics; if their approach involved adaptation and making political concessions, as happened in Tunisia; or if their approach involved joining state institutions and tribal politics as happened in Yemen.

I said this based on experience, which was deepened after the coup. I have learned that the sponsors of corruption, both internally and externally, would not allow any party to challenge their corrupt ways irrespective of the approach or the methodology of confrontation they adopt. This is particularly so in the case of the Muslim Brotherhood who stand in the front line of this critical battle.

For the past two hundred years, Egypt has suffered from military rule. This is the system of governance that set up the state on an infrastructure composed of corrupt classes, regardless of what they were called or looked like. We might be able to appreciate the magnitude of corruption if we knew, for instance, that 80 per cent of bank loans in Egypt end up benefiting influential businessmen; that the Sisi-led military regime possesses and controls state assets such as land and public companies; and that the prime minister has the power, by virtue of a legislative decision made by Al-Sisi, to sell state property without judicial order and with no right for anyone to appeal against the decision.

In view of such complete theft of the state by the military, and in view of such systematic institutional corruption, the Muslim Brotherhood and others are now waging a progressive liberation revolution. It is progressive because it seeks to create progress in all fields of life in such a way that will enable Egyptians and Arabs to live with dignity. It seeks liberation because it wants to break the shackles imposed on the people by internal and external occupiers.

In brief, we are waging a great revolution that was summed-up by ousted President Mohamed Morsi in one sentence: “We want to manufacture our own food, our own medicine and our own weapons… and we want to possess our own will.” This is what makes this battle so difficult. Since most of the Arab states have suffered from the same regime of corruption and internal colonialism, each of these states has, in one way or another, faced a people’s uprising. The response has been a military coup in Egypt and the restoration of the old regime via a white coup in Tunisia and militias in Yemen. And now they are trying to return to Libya too, via arms and external intervention.

Despite the comprehensive nature of the battle in all Arab states, Egypt has been the most important and the most influential thanks to the determination of Morsi to remain steadfast in defence of legitimacy. This is what prompted the deep state and the military to turn against him and topple him. As such, the battle is clear, as is the coup, unlike in Tunisia where the deep state has returned to power via a soft coup that saw neither dust nor blood.

In addition to its clarity, the battle inside Egypt has acquired additional importance. This is due to the fact that the core constituent of the revolution, but not the sole one, represented by the Muslim Brotherhood, has regrouped and assembled its forces around the world in order to expose the coup and the crimes and corruption of the current government. The Muslim Brotherhood realises that Egypt is the spark at the beginning, the centre and the launch-pad of the revolution that will spread to the entire Arab region.

The popular revolution waged by the Egyptians in the streets has been able to expose the coup and expose the ugliness of its government. Had it not, then the people would not have learned that this military regime has been taking the state from one misery to another, despite having thus far received more than $33 billion in foreign aid since the coup. Had it not been for the revolution, the real picture would not have reached the people today, of an Egypt that incurs daily losses in tourism, industry and commerce while living through its worst conditions in terms of freedom. Egyptians abroad are humiliated by Egypt’s image, both regionally and globally, as it regresses; the world knows full well that Al-Sisi does not represent his people and that he rules through the force of arms.

In spite of all of this misery endured by Egypt under military rule, the battle is still in its infancy. It is no wonder that the coup authorities hold more than 51,000 of its opponents, including Muslim Brotherhood leaders. Even so, the movement has transformed this trial into a blessing. The enforced changes in the Brotherhood leadership have resulted in young men taking charge, many under 30 years of age. The leadership on the outside will also see unprecedented radical changes that no one could have imagined, absolute proof that this group is still alive, deep-rooted and renewable.

Despite all the challenges, the battle in the street is still ongoing. The young and the old, men and women, Islamists and non-Islamists; all are standing in one line in the face of despotism. Hence, the closure of the Aljazeera Misr Mubashir TV channel will not change the nature of the battle very much. At this point, I would like to thank Qatar for its support for the Egyptian people. The resistance is steadfast and it will continue in its revolution to the last member of the Brotherhood.

The current regime will fail and come to an end. For this reason, I shall continue to expose it before the Egyptian people and the entire world. I believe that the state cannot remain under the rule of Al-Sisi. The armed forces should realise their mistake in backing the coup general and should realign themselves with the people and legitimacy.

Nevertheless, I also realise that the battle will be long and that the sacrifices necessary are expected to be enormous. The Muslim Brotherhood has its own comprehensive assessment of the nature of the battle and possesses a variety of tools with which to fight it. Despite its mistakes, which it has acknowledged, the Brotherhood has borne the biggest share of the post-coup burden. The movement continues to extend its hand to everyone, but in accordance with the people’s demands and legitimacy. I believe that those who call for reconciliation without demanding the restoration of President Morsi do not comprehend the meaning and root of the conflict in the region between those who want to consolidate democracy and electoral legitimacy and those who want to establish military coups as a norm, which is what we reject absolutely.

Many people may not comprehend the true meaning of the battle until the downfall of the coup. Paradoxically, this is understood by states such as Saudi Arabia and the UAE which fight against the revolution. It is for this reason that they making every effort to thwart the revolution because they know that the Egyptians and other people across the region will never forget their crimes and wars aimed at stifling our free will.

To all the revolutionary youth who are frustrated by the election of Essebsi in Tunisia, I say be patient. The battle is a long one and we are a community of patience. The first phase of the Arab Spring did indeed come out of Tunisia, but the spark of the second phase, which is deeper and more radical, will come out of Egypt and will succeed in Egypt. It is then that the entire world will derive inspiration from the spirit and values of this revolution. When will this be? It may be very soon indeed.

Translated from Arabi21, 23 December, 2014.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.