Lebanese Maronites: A community at a crossroads?

Maronite Christians, the largest Christian sect in Lebanon and second largest concentration of Christians anywhere in the Middle East, find themselves amid a profound moral and political dilemma.

The community’s stance – or perceived lack of one – towards the ongoing Israel-Hezbollah conflict which has hitherto displaced more than a million people and killed upwards of 3,000, is leading to growing accusations of treachery being levelled against them by fellow Lebanese.

Although being reserved in the wider regional antagonism and conflict against Israel is a complicated corollary of Lebanon’s sectarian politics and history, their ostensibly neutral stance has begun to fray into a dangerous realm.

A delicate balance

Maronite Christians and their community representatives on either side of the political divide have traditionally favoured non-alignment with regional politics.

Afterall, the contemporary history of the Lebanese state has shown that such alignment almost invariably results in sectarian violence and was a major trigger for the brutal 1975-1990 civil war between its Christian and Muslim inhabitants.

As it happens, the post-Syrian era in the country has seen the Maronite camp almost evenly split between those allied with Hezbollah and those firmly opposed to it.

But in the current climate, the leadership of the community which heavily tilts to the latter, is creating nationwide perceptions of their neutrality being on par to complicity with the Israeli state.

The Shia of Lebanon, the country’s single largest community and Hezbollah’s constituent vote bank, have – along with many of their Sunni compatriots – interpreted their refusal to endorse Israel as an enemy state, or the right to maintain weapons to defend against it even during war, as tantamount to tacit support for Israel.

The contention

Many at the forefront of the Maronite camps’ right-wing faction view Hezbollah as a destabilising force due to the effective monopoly of violence that its autonomous military structure allows it to hold in Lebanon, although the Lebanese state has historically been incapable or unwilling to defend them against the threat from Israel or partake in liberating occupied territory from it.

Read: Hezbollah should abandon arms to end Israel war, Lebanon Christian party head says

Nevertheless, they argue that Hezbollah’s unchecked power leaves them politically weakened with no real say in the affairs of the state – despite them now being a minority in Lebanon holding disproportionate political power that includes the presidency, chief of the armed forces, and the bulk of 50 seats allocated to Christians under Lebanon’s power-sharing political system.

Moreover, they view Hezbollah’s actions and wider regional alliances as serving the interests of Iran, leading them to the conclusion that the Islamic movement never truly acts in Lebanon’s interests but rather uses it as a proxy in a larger regional power struggle of which they want no part.

It is for these reasons that despite the incessant Israeli aerial bombings in Lebanon, they are vocal in their position that both Hezbollah’s possession of weapons and instigation of hostilities against Israel, albeit in solidarity with Palestinians, must come to an end.

In a county where sectarian loyalty overrides national cohesion, many in the Maronite community also feel that being a vulnerable minority means their survival hinges on maintaining diplomatic flexibility with western powers to safeguard their community from being dragged into regional conflict.

Thus, it is possible that the Maronite position of neutrality (via its associated condemnation of Hezbollah) is merely a tactical stance as part of a strategy of survival to be free from any collateral arising from Israeli attacks.

But it could also suggest that in the current climate, many of the Maronites calculate that both the death of Hezbollah’s leader and the degrading of its arsenal will ultimately generate hopes for a much-desired rebalancing of power.

Alternatively, the opposing argument against Maronite neutrality is premised on the notion that Lebanon cannot afford to be silent in the face of mounting political and military pressures.

As the conflict between Hezbollah and Israel shows no signs of abating and the latter increasingly taking its frustration out on civilian targets, Maronite polemics are only too visible to see.

It includes Samir Geagea, the head of the largest Maronite block in parliament, going so far as suggesting the election of the country’s president should happen without the presence of Shias – the country’s largest single community and whose representative is the speaker of the parliament.

Maryam Majdaline, another Maronite public figure, very vocally linked the Hezbollah-associated (civilian) Islamic Institute as being awash Hezbollah fighters and not civilians. Incidentally, within hours of her accusations, Israel bombed many of the institute’s buildings – along with all the civilians inside them – to smithereens.

This was in similar fashion to MTV Channel in Lebanon, owned by Maronites, that made derogatory comments about the workings of Al Qard Al Hassan (a Hezbollah associated charity and moneylender) only for Israel to decimate each of its branches across Lebanon in rapid succession.

Even amongst Maronite MP’s, Salim Sayegh and Antoine Zahra amplified Israel’s claims that Hezbollah is responsible for civilian deaths since the movement places officials and bases within the vicinity of civilian complexes and thereby deliberately places them in harm’s way.

A path forward?

Despite what appears to be the favoured oratories of leading Maronite politicians, especially those on the right of the political spectrum, other Maronite factions have stressed the importance of fostering a balanced, independent Lebanon that resists any kind of foreign influence or perceived dominance in the interest of national Lebanese unity.

At the heart of this debate is a question that strikes at the very core of the Maronite Christian identity: Can they maintain their neutrality without risking the erosion of the political and religious influence on Lebanon? Or must they actively choose sides to safeguard their future as a diminishing minority sect within a sea of Muslim inhabitants?

Either way, as the conflict between Hezbollah and Israel shows no signs of abating, the Maronites face an increasingly difficult challenge in balancing long-quest for neutrality with the pressures to take a stand against the slaughter of their fellow countrymen in a deeply polarised country.

The resolution of this dilemma may not only shape the future of Lebanon’s Chistian community, but also determine Lebanon’s ability to navigate the turbulent waters of regional politics and its contentions for years to come.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.