Has the EU finally decided to get tough on Egypt?

Ever since Mohamed Morsi, the democratically elected president of Egypt, was ousted in July 2013, the European Union – along with other western powers – has been uncertain of how best to respond. This week, the body of 28 states took steps to clarify its position, with the Foreign Affairs Council – made up of the foreign ministers of the EU’s member states – releasing a statement on Egypt.

The resolution is broken into 15 points. Some of these points praise elements of Egypt’s political development, including the constitution introduced this year and the referendum leading up to it, the transitional roadmap to democracy, and the forthcoming elections. However, it also highlighted several areas for concern: escalating violence, deteriorating human rights, poor media freedom, “selective justice” against the political opposition, and economic problems. “The EU condemns in the clearest possible terms all acts of violence,” says the statement, going on to express concern about the loss of life during the recent referendum, excessive use of force by security services, and terrorism. It “reiterates that only an inclusive political process will lead to a democratically elected government”, adding that “no political groups should be excluded or banned as long as they renounce violence and respect democratic principles”.

Even its praise is tempered. While endorsing the adoption of the constitution, the council says that it “deplores the absence of a fully inclusive process, the lack of attempts to overcome the polarization of society and the closing of political space for dissenting opinion before and during the referendum”. The statement also offers support for the election and other elements of the political transition.

Perhaps predictably, Egypt’s current regime has not taken the resolution well. The country’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs has said that the conclusions reflect either “a lack of knowledge of what is happening on the ground” or “deliberate European disregard”. Spokesman Badr Abel-Atty said that “the statement is completely rejected” and accused the EU of “interfering” in matters still going through the courts – such as the cases against journalists and Morsi and his Muslim Brotherhood colleagues.

Thus far, the EU has been cautious in its response to Egypt’s swiftly changing political situation, so it is fair to assume that it is not a lack of information that has caused this hardening of position. The EU maintains its own delegation in Cairo as well as the respective embassies of different member states. Anthony Dworkin, senior policy fellow at the European Council on Foreign Relations, told the Daily News Egypt website that “some European officials were hoping that more moderate groups within the governing coalition would gain more influence” but that this week’s statement “reflects a view in Europe that this is not happening and that the crackdown on dissent in Egypt is becoming more entrenched”.

Certain voices within the European establishment have been firmly supportive of Egypt’s military-backed interim government. Tony Blair, who represents the EU, UN, US, and Russia on the Israel-Palestine peace process, gave his staunch backing to the current regime earlier this month. “The Muslim Brotherhood tried to take the country away from its basic values of hope and progress,” he said, adding: “the army have intervened, at the will of the people”.

But, clearly, he is swimming against the tide. This week, William Hague and other EU foreign ministers – including Germany’s – expressed concern about criminal charges against journalists in Egypt. Back in August, the EU revoked export licenses for equipment that “could be used for internal repression” in the country. Meanwhile, the EU’s head of foreign affairs, Catherine Ashton, has attempted to facilitate dialogue between the interim government and Morsi’s supporters. (These attempts were unsuccessful).

Despite Egypt’s outraged response, the EU’s statement remains cautious. It is right for the body to highlight a fast deteriorating situation for human rights, press freedom, and political opposition. The question is, in an increasingly polarized state, how much the interim government will care.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.