The Brotherhood’s mistake in the Egyptian Revolution

There has been much talk about the Muslim Brotherhood’s strategic mistake of nominating a presidential candidate and dominating the scene of the revolution in Egypt. This puts us in a sticky situation when addressing the Brotherhood’s reformative approach, the phases of which are set according to the messages of the Brotherhood founder Hassan Al-Banna, which dictates that reform must be gradual, beginning with the formation of the individual, then the family, followed by the society that comprehensively embraces Islamic thought. According to the Brotherhood’s vision, the government should help apply Islam, but would it have allowed for participation in the Egyptian Revolution that lasted 18 days? If it had allowed participation in order to resist injustice and tyranny and to promote the rights of humans to freedom and dignity, was it right to dominate the scene? Or was it a fatal strategic mistake? Or was it imposed on them, like a “forcing move” on a chessboard? The more important question is: What impact has the Arab Spring, and the subsequent coups and counter-revolutions, had on political Islam movements, especially the mother movement in Egypt? Has it weakened the movement?

First of all, I must state the fact that while discussing any decision made by any institution, one must take into consideration the conditions under which the decision was made, the factors surrounding the decision-maker, and the ambiguities that are revealed over time. I believe, and I may be mistaken, that the Brotherhood’s participation in the January Revolution was a mistake because it overstepped a number of phases set out by their approaches and they rushed to reap the fruit of what they sowed, in light of a society too busy demanding life’s necessities to demand their freedom and make sacrifices for the sake of it. This is especially true because the youth, who called for the January 25th revolution, were not dreaming of overthrowing the regime, let alone demanding it, and all of the calls and hopes of freedom and human dignity were violated when Khaled Said and Sayed Bilal were killed under police torture. Once the Brotherhood youth took to the streets to officially participate in the demonstrations on 28 January, this gave momentum to the revolution and raised the ceiling of expectations, especially after a number of individuals were martyred on that day. Thus, the sole demand became overthrowing the regime. This was used by the military council to get rid of the inheritance of power system, which was a source of concern for the military leaders.

If the Brotherhood’s participation in the revolution was a voluntary move on the chessboard, then nominating a presidential candidate was a “forcing move” made at a time when the dissolution of the parliament was looming on the horizon and at a time when the military was committed to the Attorney General, who was known for protecting those who killed revolutionaries and fabricating charges against those opposed to the Mubarak regime. This also occurred at a time when several independent individuals refused to ally with the Brotherhood and face the “Deep State” candidates who are backed by the ruling military junta. This had foreshadowed the events following the July 2013 coup, which included exclusion and legal and judicial revenge against all those who participated in this revolution, albeit in a crooked manner.

While we deduce the impact of the counter-revolution and the coup against legitimacy and the subsequent oppression and persecution of political Islam movements, at the heart of which is the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, we find that the movement is suffering an unprecedented state of abuse, murder, persecution and exclusion. In addition to this, all limits are being surpassed when it comes to dealing with women, as they are being arrested and tortured. In addition to this, the number of death sentences issued has exceeded the number of those issued in the 1950’s by Gamal Abdel Nasser. However, the change in the group’s approach to dealing with and resisting the 2013 coup radically differed from the group’s surrender to the coup in 1954, and this greatly contributed to the successes achieved with regards to the resistance on the Egyptian street and by the group, which the coup leader vowed to eliminate and tried with all his might to do.

According to Arnold Toynbee’s theory on the emergence of civilisations, successful responses to major challenges generate renaissance and civilisation. The Muslim Brotherhood’s refusal to surrender to the military and accept the crumbs of freedom it offers may lead to the birth of a new renaissance in Egypt. With regards to positive impact and influence on Islamic movements, we can briefly address this by developing the Brotherhood’s approach from a reformative approach to a revolutionary and resistance approach. The approach of some Salafist trends that participated in the National Alliance Supporting Legitimacy can also be developed by practicing the revolutionary political work it had refused in the past. The young generation must lead the next phase after the enforced disappearance of the Brotherhood’s front line and middle level leaders and officials, either due to detention, persecution, or murder.

The role of women in the Islamic movement will also grow, and they will make greater sacrifices and will be models of revolutionary jihadists, such as Sana Abdul Jawad and the girls from Alexandria and Al-Azhar who were told by a judge that they would be the mothers of Egypt’s future leaders.

Yes, the blows delivered to the political Islam movements were harsh and painful, but they have produced a strong generation capable of a new renaissance in society.

Translated from Al-Araby on 9 April 2015.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.