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Israel seeks ceasefire that ensures release of its prisoners but retains Gaza genocide

June 2, 2025 at 3:35 pm

Ahmad Falih Versh Agha, a 14-year-old boy living in a shelter on Rashid Street, west of Gaza City, who was seriously wounded in the attack on his school, is viewed on May 31, 2025 in Gaza City, Gaza. [Ahmed Jihad Ibrahim Al-arini – Anadolu Agency]

As part of efforts to end the unprecedented livestream genocide carried out by the Israeli occupation forces in Gaza, the Tump administration has recruited Palestinian-American businessman, Bishara Bahbah, to advance the ceasefire proposal presented by the president’s special Middle East envoy, Steve Witkoff.

The proposal originally stipulated a framework for the release of almost half of the Israeli prisoners in Gaza in return for a temporary ceasefire that would last for 60 days and the flow of humanitarian aid to the starving people in the besieged Gaza Strip.

It is worth noting that Israel broke the previous ceasefire agreement on 2 March when it stopped the entry of goods, tents, mobile homes and heavy equipment to be used for reopening streets and removing rubble. It also resumed its brutal attacks on the civilian population on 18 March. Additionally, it also announced a plan to reoccupy 75 per cent of Gaza and create three concentration camps for the enclave’s residents.

In this context, Israel’s minister of finance said that Israel is planning to reoccupy Gaza and rebuild the settlements that the late Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon dismantled in 2005. As for the national security minister, Itamar Ben-Gvir, he described the current ceasefire talks as a waste of time of the Israeli occupation army who must be allowed to “finish the job.”

Following the release of Israeli soldier Eden Alexander, who holds US citizenship, as a goodwill gesture for Trump, Bahbah—acting as a mediator alongside Qatar and Egypt—continued ceasefire discussions with Hamas based on Witkoff’s proposal.

After extensive negotiations, Hamas agreed in principle but insisted on critical amendments: an end to the genocide, unrestricted humanitarian access and the release of Palestinian prisoners facing torture and ill-treatment in Israeli jails.

Upon Bahbah’s announcement of Hamas’s acceptance of the amended draft, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu—who faces arrest warrants from the ICC for alleged war crimes in Gaza—dispatched his Strategic Affairs Minister Ron Dermer to Washington. Dermer, Israel’s chief negotiator, met with Witkoff and revised the draft, removing all the guarantees for ending the war to align with Netanyahu’s position.

After Dermer’s return, the US presented the revised proposal to Israel as if it were newly crafted. Israel promptly accepted it, issuing an ultimatum to Hamas: accept the deal or face escalated aggression.

However, Hamas found the new proposal to differ substantially from the earlier version. It was rife with vague language and devoid of assurances. Aware of Israel’s intent to continue the genocide and forcibly displace Gaza’s population, Hamas did not outright reject the plan but demanded clarification and removal of ambiguities.

Hamas requested that Trump guarantees Israel’s adherence to the 60-day ceasefire and proposed that Israeli prisoners be released in three stages—at the beginning, midpoint, and end of the ceasefire. It also called for an automatic extension of the truce if a permanent agreement remained pending.

Additionally, Hamas demanded that humanitarian aid flow freely; hospitals be rebuilt; water and sanitation networks be repaired; rubble cleared; internal movement restrictions lifted; and that a technocratic committee be established to govern Gaza during the transitional phase.

Despite some minor issues, Hamas’s primary concern was the stark difference between the original and revised proposals. Bahbah, as chairman of Americans for Trump, maintains close ties to the former president and would not have announced a deal without Trump’s full endorsement—likely not even Witkoff’s.

Trump voiced optimism on Friday, expressing hope for an imminent ceasefire and stating that both sides “want to get out of this mess.” Witkoff, however, rejected Hamas’s amendments as “totally unacceptable,” providing cover for Israeli leaders who had told him they would not accept any guarantees or halt the genocide.

White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt stated on Wednesday that Israel had approved the proposal before it was resubmitted to Hamas—an indication that the US sought to mislead Hamas, not achieve a genuine agreement.

Axios quoted a source saying that Hamas wanted the proposal to specify that if no permanent ceasefire is agreed within 60 days, the temporary ceasefire would be extended indefinitely.

Netanyahu, dismissing Hamas’s legitimate concerns, accused the group of “rejectionism” and repeated platitudes about returning hostages and defeating Hamas—rhetoric that has been widely criticised as disingenuous.

Netanyahu ignores that Hamas has repeatedly offered to release all Israeli prisoners in exchange for a permanent end to the genocide. Israel’s approach can be summarised as follows:

  • Halt the genocide for 60 days.
  • Secure the release of all Israeli prisoners.
  • Resume massacres and ethnic cleansing.

Israel’s position is not only unreasonable but also morally indefensible. That world leaders continue to supply it with weapons and political support—while demanding the release of 58 Israeli prisoners but ignoring the 14,000 Palestinians held in Israeli jails, many buried in secret cemeteries—is a scandal of global proportions.

Their tepid condemnations and hollow calls for humanitarian relief fall far short of action. They refuse to even name the atrocity: genocide. Instead, they portray nuclear-armed Israel as existentially threatened by a besieged resistance using rudimentary weapons to fight an illegal occupation.

Hamas’s demand—to end the genocide—is not unique to the movement. It is the demand of every Palestinian and every person of conscience across the world.

The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.