The legitimacy question: The east vs. the west in Libya’s struggle for stability

The inter-militia violence that erupted in Tripoli last month, following the killing of the feared, now former head of the Support and Stability Apparatus, Abdel Ghani Al-Kikli, was the worst clash to rock the capital in years. Heavy machine gun fire and militia battles filled the streets and neighbourhoods of Tripoli, sending shockwaves and errant bullets into the homes of ordinary Libyan citizens. The clashes forced the populace to question the legitimacy of Prime Minister Abdul Hamid Dbeibeh’s Government of National Unity (GNU). A shaky ceasefire is holding, yet there is no doubt that citizens under its control are glancing eastward—towards the seemingly calmer and more stable region—asking the question: how can the largely Western-backed GNU, rife with corruption and militia violence, be seen as the legitimate authority when the east appears to be more secure and prosperous? The contrast may cause many to consider relocating eastward.

A body count of six, although the actual casualty figure is far higher than the GNU would like to admit, is another stark reminder of the government’s inability to govern effectively and rein in the numerous ambitious militia leaders who make up its fragmented security apparatus. The steep decline in the GNU’s popularity and legitimacy is further exemplified by the anti-government protests that erupted in Tripoli and Zawiya in the wake of the violence. These demonstrations were fuelled by growing frustration with the GNU’s failure to curb militia violence, the degradation of essential services, and calls for the dissolution of all armed groups. The grievances were so loud that protestors even called on the UN Support Mission in Libya to intervene—an extraordinary appeal that underscores the depth of public disillusionment.

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The GNU’s authority remains tenuous, undermined by its reliance on powerful militias such as the RADA Special Deterrence Forces and the 444th Brigade, both of which have frequently clashed for territory, influence and financial spoils. These groups, rather than serving the national interest, operate as quasi-independent entities. The continued presence of armed factions vying for control within Tripoli illustrates the GNU’s failure to monopolise the legitimate use of force. Without a centralised authority and a functioning security sector, Libya’s capital cannot hope for lasting stability. Tragically, it is the ordinary citizens who continue to bear the brunt of the consequences. Meanwhile, the east presents an increasingly appealing alternative.

Since the Libyan National Army’s (LNA) consolidation of power in Benghazi in 2017, the eastern region has enjoyed a relative sense of security. Under the leadership of Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar—reinforced by his son Saddam Haftar’s efforts—the east has made considerable strides in centralising authority and integrating tribal and militia forces into a unified command structure. This process has been critical in reducing internal conflict, fostering a stronger sense of order, and enabling local institutions to function with a greater degree of autonomy and stability.

This centralised military structure has also allowed the LNA to protect critical economic infrastructure. Oilfields such as Mesla and Sarir, vital to Libya’s national economy, have remained operational and relatively undisturbed. Their consistent output has contributed not only to regional development but also to the country’s overall economic resilience. This is in stark contrast to the west, where oil installations have often been used as leverage by armed groups seeking to extract concessions from the state.

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Beyond security, the east has made tangible progress in rebuilding war-torn cities. Benghazi, which bore the brunt of prolonged conflict, is now undergoing significant reconstruction. Roads, hospitals, and schools have been rehabilitated, and new projects continue to be launched. The inauguration of the Benghazi International Stadium in February of this year was a symbolic and practical milestone, showcasing the city’s recovery. Additionally, a $1.3 billion international airport project is underway and scheduled for completion next year. These developments underscore how political stability has enabled the implementation of large-scale infrastructure initiatives.

Such progress has not gone unnoticed by international investors. Companies like Turkey’s Tosyali Group have announced plans to establish a steel manufacturing plant in the east—a significant endorsement of the region’s investment climate. These steps point to the east’s increasing ability to provide a conducive environment for long-term economic development, underpinned by secure conditions and cohesive governance.

The disparity between the east and west is therefore striking. While the Tripoli-based GNU struggles with endemic corruption, militia infighting, and institutional fragmentation, the Haftar-led authorities in the east have demonstrated an ability to impose order, enforce laws, and promote reconstruction. This is not to suggest that the eastern model is without flaws; concerns remain about authoritarianism, lack of transparency, and human rights. However, the basic functions of governance—security, service delivery, and economic oversight—are visibly more robust in the east.

Libya today is a nation divided—not only in governance but in trajectory. The west remains mired in a cycle of violence and mismanagement, while the east advances a narrative of recovery and relative calm. Many Libyans, weary of war, instability and empty promises, are increasingly turning their gaze towards Benghazi and beyond, hoping to find in the east what the capital has failed to deliver: security, stability, and a path to prosperity.

The country now stands at a critical juncture. Continued international support for a dysfunctional GNU risks perpetuating the current stalemate and ignoring the evolving realities on the ground. If the international community truly seeks peace and unification in Libya, it must reassess where legitimacy, competence, and potential for stability truly reside.

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The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.