The international community is silencing details of Israel’s extremism

Since the results of the recent Israeli elections were announced and the fascist far-right controlled Knesset was outlined, the international community has been in a state of anticipation.

Positions ranged from boycotting the extremist government, especially if the decisions agreed upon would redefine the identity of the state or overturn the international position supporting a political solution based on the “two-state solution” on the 1967 borders, and a second position declaring that patience would be observed until details of the agreements formed under the new coalition come to light.

For us, the Palestinians, the results of the recent Israeli elections are not surprising. Rather, they reveal a fact that we have known for more than 70 years and we see its effects on stolen land and demolished homes, on the faces of millions of displaced Palestinians in the diaspora, on the graves of tens of thousands of martyrs and millions of detainees.

We see it every day in Gaza, which 16 years of siege have turned into the largest open prison.

This indisputable fact is not linked to the extreme right in Israel. Rather, it is part of a constant and continuous ideology since the establishment of the occupying state.

The doctrine of Jewish supremacy and its essence is based on complete control over the land and getting rid of “the other” by all means available, even if the manner is illegal and violates international laws.

For example, the last year, in which the government was led by Yair Lapid, who is affiliated with the centre, was one of the bloodiest and most violent years, as more than 230 Palestinians were killed, 171 in the occupied West Bank, a large number were children and minors. Another 9,335 Palestinians were injured, and 833 homes and schools were demolished, including those funded by the European Union and international institutions.

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But what is new about Netanyahu’s government is that its members openly announce their racist fascist schemes, and this is what they agreed upon with Netanyahu.

It was agreed to approve the law of executing detainees, expanding settlements, changing the status quo in Al-Aqsa Mosque, accelerating the process of Judaising Jerusalem and starting procedures to annex the occupied West Bank, at least Area C, in addition to expanding the shooting policy against Palestinians and protecting occupation army soldiers from accountability.

To ensure that this was achieved, the leaders of the fascist right, Ben Gvir and Smotrich, insisted on assuming ministerial positions that would enable them to implement those schemes. Netanyahu had no choice but to accept to escape the prison sentence that may be handed to him.

Practically and legally, these schemes mean re-characterising the conflict in a way that violates international laws and legitimacy.

When the civil administration official responsible for the daily lives of the Palestinians reports to a civil minister instead of the army minister, this cements that Israeli laws are applied to hundreds of thousands of illegal settlers in the occupied West Bank and Jerusalem. These areas will no longer be seen as “occupied” by the Israeli government.

This is a coup against international resolutions, and this is exactly what will happen when Ben Gvir changes the status quo at Al-Aqsa Mosque. Ben Gvir plans to change the demographic reality in the Negev and the Galilee by expelling the original Arab population and bringing in new Jewish residents.

We do not need to wait for the formation of the government in order to know and see what it will do, but what is more important is the position of the international community when faced with the actions of this fascist government?

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Palestinians have recently raised their expectations that the opportunity has come for the international community to discover the true nature of the racist state of Israel. Some expect specific and harsh measures to punish the new government and pressure it to back down and adhere to international legitimacy, especially since Western countries showed a clear commitment to protecting freedom and human rights during the Ukrainian crisis, and harnessed a lot of political, financial and military support for that.

Unfortunately, however, these hopes began to recede as the formation of the next government took shape.

We began to hear about hesitant and fluid positions towards the government, the most prominent of which was the US position by Secretary of State Anthony Blinken when he said the Biden administration would engage with Netanyahu’s government based on its policies and not on personalities, among whom are possible senior ministers in the government who have previously expressed extremist anti-Palestinian and anti-Arab views.

The European Parliament, in its Resolution No. 2949/2022 (RSP) regarding the prospects for a two-state solution for Israel and Palestine, expressed the same hesitant and cowardly position in dealing with the new government, in contrast to its sharp and hypocritical position in the case of the Palestinian democratic experiment in 2006, when a comprehensive boycott was imposed on the Palestinian government and a cruel and inhuman blockade was imposed on the Gaza Strip.

These trends are dangerous on one hand because they miss a great opportunity to rein in the occupation, force it to commit to international legitimacy, and give the Palestinians their rights.

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It also repeats the same game that we have seen for decades; the fluid positions green light the occupation’s crimes and provide it a new opportunity to continue implementing its schemes by fully controlling historic Palestine and getting rid of the largest possible number of Palestinians in this area.

The Palestinians, for their part, have learned the lesson well, and will not allow a repetition of the Nakba and Naksa, the loss of sanctities, or the theft of the land. They will defend themselves with all strength, determination and persistence.

This means, in short, that the explosion in the Palestinian territories is a matter of time, and it will be wide and comprehensive. No one will enjoy security or stability as long as Palestinian rights are violated. The international community, led by the USA and Europe, must radically review their positions, in light of the repeated failure to achieve a just solution or achieve stability, before it’s too late.

We must not allow the Israelis to drown us in the details of their internal differences and the comparison between an extremist and someone who is more extreme, at the expense of the overall picture, which has become clear and apparent. We are facing a racist fascist enterprise that needs a firm international stance and practical steps to achieve a just and comprehensive solution to the conflict, ending the suffering of millions of Palestinians.

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The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.