How will Al-Sharaa respond to the Israeli attacks?

Israel has gone too far in its attacks on Syria this time, as its warplanes bombed the vicinity of the presidential palace in Damascus. In a joint statement with Defence Minister Israel Katz, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu considered the bombing “a clear message to the Syrian regime: We will not allow [Syrian] forces to deploy south of Damascus or any threat to the Druze community.”

The matter did not stop at this level of arrogance and overconfidence, but rather went further, as the Israeli escalation continued, with Israeli warplanes bombing seven military sites in three Syrian provinces, in the largest attack since the beginning of April. Perhaps the question that arises here is: How long will the Israeli attacks on Syria continue, what messages does Israel want to send, and most importantly what can Syrian President Ahmad Al-Sharaa do about the recurrence of these attacks?

Initially, since the fall of the Assad regime, Israel has targeted the military assets of the former Syrian army, claiming that its attacks were pre-emptive operations to prevent weapons from falling into the hands of the new authorities, whom it considers “terrorist groups”. However, it was not content with that, so it infiltrated the buffer zone, unilaterally ending the disengagement agreement signed in 1974, and established a vast buffer zone encompassing most of Quneitra Governorate, extending to areas in Daraa Governorate, and finally reaching Sweida Governorate. Israeli rhetoric attempted to establish a new narrative based on the weak and false pretext of protecting Syria’s Druze, positioning itself as the advocate for its minorities and threatening to target any Syrian forces entering the governorate. Israeli violations reached its peak with the targeting of a General Security Forces convoy heading to the town of Ashrafiyat Sahnaya, followed by the targeting of the vicinity of the presidential palace. This came after the new Syrian authorities managed to contain the bloody clashes that had taken place in the towns of Jaramana and Ashrafiyat Sahnaya, which had spread to areas in the Sweida Governorate. They signed an agreement with the spiritual and social figures in those towns, stipulating that they surrender their weapons to the relevant authorities and the deployment of General Security Forces units in those areas.

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Israel seeks to send several messages, the most important of which is that it seeks to keep the new Syrian authorities under pressure and blackmail, exploiting the disastrous situation left by the Assad regime on every level. Israel seeks to prevent the new government from regaining their strength and extending their sovereignty throughout Syria, especially the southern region. Israel makes no secret of its efforts to separate the south from the new Syrian body, despite the fact that the overwhelming majority of Syrians in the south consider themselves an integral part of the Syrian homeland, cherish their Syrian identity and oppose any Israeli intervention. This is apart from a few voices in Sweida, represented by Sheikh Hikmat Al-Hijri and his followers, whose views are opposed by the majority of the governorate’s population. A recent meeting of religious and military leaders and activists in Sweida sent the message that it is opposed to the Israeli effort, by “rejecting partition, separation, or secession”, affirming that the people of Sweida are Syrian in origin and identity, and adhering to the unity of Syrians under the banner of one homeland.

At the regional and international levels, the far-right Israeli government seeks to send a message to the US, Turkiye and other countries in the region that Israel’s interests and security are a top priority and cannot be ignored or overlooked. This is despite US President Donald Trump expressing a support for Turkiye recently, in the presence of Netanyahu at the White House, and calling on the latter to be reasonable.

The primary goal of the Israeli project in Syria is not only to fragment and divide it geographically, but also to fragment it socially and politically. Officials from the occupying state tried to suggest that their attacks came in response to calls by some voices to protect the Druze, thereby inciting other Syrian social components against them. However, this will not fool the majority of Syrians who remember the struggles of Sultan Pasha Al-Atrash and other activists for the sake of Syria’s liberation and unity.

The Syrian authorities do not have many options for responding to the Israeli escalation, given the numerous challenges they face and the heavy legacy left behind by the defunct Assad regime, which has reduced the country to a pile of rubble and destruction. Therefore, the initial response in the presidency’s statement confirmed its determined efforts to “prevent any threats that may target the security of the homeland and its citizens,” considering the Israeli attacks as “targeting state institutions, its sovereignty, national security, and the unity of the Syrian people.”

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However, this is not enough. Responding to Israeli arrogance requires action on several levels, including demanding Arab and friendly countries take a stand against Israel’s arrogance and formulating a general international stance against it in international institutions.

Still, the most important actions are on the domestic level, which requires the new authorities to work to fortify the Syrian interior and strengthen national unity by deepening dialogue with civil and political actors throughout Syria and not relying solely on reaching an understanding with religious and military leaders. The new authorities have not succeeded in imposing stability and preserving civil peace because they have not resorted to political tools but instead have relied on military solutions. This has increased anxiety and discontent among large groups of Syrians and weakened the Syrian leadership’s ability to achieve national consensus, in light of the inherited social divisions and conflicts that weaken attempts at national reconciliation.

Perhaps what is required internally is the establishment of political parties to find a way out of conflicts and differences, as they provide a public space through which Syrians can express their legitimate opinions and aspirations, regardless of their religious and ethnic affiliations. It is not new to say that political pluralism is the key to dialogue among people, as it gives them the opportunity to participate effectively in decision making and contribute to building their country, rather than remaining on the margins of the political scene.

The majority of Syrians hope that interim President Ahmad Al-Sharaa will adopt political solutions to the existing problems, with the aim of fortifying the interior and providing it with the necessary immunity to fight off the interventions of Israel and other forces opposed to the new Syrian transformation. Perhaps he bears a large share of responsibility as the people must rely on him to confront all internal challenges as well as confront Israel’s plots and those of other players.

This article first appeared in Arabic in Al-Araby Al-Jadeed on 5 May 2025

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The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.