Iran is pluralistic within its self-drawn parameters: Western imaging and myths falsify the reality

Western narratives often paint Iran as a monolithic theocracy, intolerant of diversity and locked in ideological rigidity. Iran’s political system in certainly not a western-style democracy. Regular elections are organized and there is a degree of competition over policies. It might have deficits just like western democracies which are increasingly controlled by oligarchs and the richest. 

Iran’s social, cultural, and even political landscape is far more nuanced and pluralistic than western perceptions suggest. Beneath the surface of the Islamic Republic’s stern clerical image lies a mosaic of ethnicities, ideologies, and forms of civic expression that challenge the simplistic stereotype of an intolerant regime. Western imaging and myths tend to turn that reality entirely upside down and, thus, falsify the reality. These paint shades of Islamophobia over Iran. 

Rumi, the 13th-century Persian poet and Sufi mystic, is a significant figure in Iranian culture and is frequently invoked in Iranian political discourse. While his tomb is in Turkey, his poetry, written in Persian, resonates deeply within Iran, where he is considered a foundational part of the nation’s literary and cultural heritage.

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Iran is home to numerous ethnic groups—Persians, Azeris, Kurds, Arabs, Baluchis, Turkmen, and others—each with their own languages, traditions, and cultural practices. While Persian (Farsi) is the official language, minority languages like Kurdish, Azerbaijani, Arabic, and Baluchi are spoken widely, particularly in regional media, literature, and informal education. Kurdish and Azerbaijani music and dance thrive, and cultural festivals are held openly, albeit under certain restrictions. There can be no denying that there exists ethnic and linguistic diversity in Iran.  

Iran is constitutionally a Shia Islamic Republic, but it recognises and guarantees representation for religious minorities including Christians (primarily Armenians and Assyrians), Jews, and Zoroastrians. These communities have reserved seats in Parliament (the Majlis). Iran hosts one of the largest Jewish populations in the Muslim world. Synagogues operate freely, and Jewish schools, though under state oversight, function with some autonomy. Churches are present in Armenian neighbourhoods, and Zoroastrian temples are preserved as cultural heritage.

While Iran does not practice Western-style democracy, its political arena includes a broad spectrum of conservative, moderate, and reformist voices. Presidential and parliamentary elections are contested vigorously, with high voter turnout. Nor can the West claim that democracy that its own democracy is flawless. There will always be room for enhancing the working of democracy. Nevertheless, Iran practices political pluralism within boundaries  

Reformist candidates like Mohammad Khatami and Hassan Rouhani have championed civil society and dialogue with the West. Civil society organisations, although under pressure, continue to work on issues from women’s rights to environmental justice.

Iran’s youth -nearly 60 per cent of the population – is deeply engaged with global culture, fluent in digital technology, and hungry for change. Women, despite the mandatory hijab law, have asserted themselves in public life, academia, arts, and sports. Social media serves as a parallel sphere for discourse and protest. The recent “Woman, Life, Freedom” movement is a testament to the tenacity of Iran’s pluralistic undercurrents, even in the face of brutal crackdowns. Each of these constituents in Iran’s political arena have adopted ‘digital dissent’ in their political outlook and exercise. 

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This pluralism is not without contradiction. The Islamic Republic maintains tight control over dissent, restricts press freedom, and punishes anti-government activism harshly. Ethnic and religious minorities face discrimination, especially Sunni Muslims in Shia-dominated regions. Yet, paradoxically, the space for negotiation, contestation, and identity assertion remains alive. Iran’s pluralism is a notable aspect of its society, and minority communities maintain their distinct identities and traditions. Political pluralism is apparent in the back-and-forth of varying legal resources including civil society, universal human rights. Iran’s legal system incorporates religious law, civil law, and customary law. It must be affirmed that ‘pluralism’ itself can have different interpretations and meanings. Iran cannot be accurately scrutinised by western paradigms. 

Figures like Rumi and the Iranian diaspora serve as a space where diversity is recognized and normalised. 

The Iranian constitution recognises the rights of religious minorities, to practice their freely. Reports of discrimination and persecution do surface every now and then, particularly against the Bahai community. That, however, is the reality of all countries that have pluralistic traditions. Iran is not a singular exception in this regard. 

In a recent YouTube, the voice of Iranian Jews is clearly articulated. Jews in Iran have been in Iran for the past 2,700 years and deem themselves as Iranian Jews and not Israeli Jews. Homayoun Sameyah, President of the Iran Jewish Committee says there are thirteen synagogues. Iran, they argue, is defined by the absence antisemitism. They affirm that they have complete religious freedom. The lie that Iranians want to kill all the Jews is flatly denied by Jewish leaders. The Head of the Iranian Jewish community. Siamek Morsadech, an elected member of Iran’s Parliament asserts: “I cannot live without Iranian culture”. Iran is neither a liberal democracy nor a totalitarian monolith. It is a society negotiating its complexities – between religious orthodoxy and reform, tradition and modernity, uniformity and pluralism. Recognising this nuanced reality is essential, not only to challenge reductive Western portrayals, but to engage Iran on terms that respect its internal dynamics and possibilities for transformation.

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The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.