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Why did Egypt block the Caravan of Steadfastness?

June 22, 2025 at 2:57 pm

A large group of people, mostly Tunisian activists, demonstrate in support of the global marches on Gaza, gathering in front of the Egyptian Journalists Syndicate in Cairo, Egypt on June 12, 2025. [Mohamed Elshahed – Anadolu Agency]

The fate of the Caravan of Steadfastness, which returned to Tunisia last Thursday after initially setting off for the Rafah border crossing between Egypt and the Gaza Strip, raises serious questions about the extent and nature of Egypt’s role in exacerbating the war of starvation and blockade imposed on the people of Gaza since 7 October 2023.

Hampered by obstacles, arrests, assaults, and forced deportations, the convoy—intended to break the siege on Gaza and comprising over 1,500 activists from Arab and Western countries—was ultimately unsuccessful. This has left many asking: why did Egypt block the Caravan of Steadfastness?

Ironically, the disappointing end of this solidarity mission coincided with the seizure of the ship Madleen by Israeli forces earlier this month. The vessel had been launched by the International Coalition to Break the Siege on Gaza.

Media offensive

Even before the convoy’s arrival, Egyptian authorities launched a fierce media campaign, led by commentators close to the security and intelligence services. They described the convoy as a trap designed to embarrass Egypt and accused its organisers of being affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood—classified by the Egyptian state as a terrorist organisation.

Youm7, a newspaper owned by a company linked to Egyptian intelligence, ran a headline reading, “8 Scenes Reveal the Funders of the Caravan of Steadfastness and the Strategy to Destabilise Egypt.” It warned that the Algerian Islamist party HAMS (Movement for Peaceful Society) was among the organisers, and that the convoy was pushing a narrative of “resistance from foreign soil” to implicate Egypt.

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Maher Farghaly, a political analyst with the United Media Services group (also owned by Egyptian intelligence), intensified the attack, labelling the convoy “a Mossad-Brotherhood mission.” In a Facebook post, he claimed it was meticulously planned by the international Brotherhood to revive its activities under the guise of humanitarian aid.

In the same vein, the well-known Egyptian broadcaster Ahmed Moussa wrote on X: “Vigilance is required of everyone to counter this trap, which seeks to place Egypt in an extremely embarrassing position—whether it permits the convoy’s entry or blocks it—and to respond to the consequences that may follow and the pre-arranged campaigns against the Egyptian state.”

An investigation by Arabi Post (based in Istanbul) analysed 20,000 tweets on X and concluded that Egypt-aligned online networks coordinated a large-scale campaign to discredit the Caravan of Steadfastness, labelling it a “caravan of treachery.”

However, Wafa Kachida, a member of the Joint Action Coordination for Palestine—the group overseeing the convoy—sought to allay fears, telling Asharq Al-Awsat that “all participants were vetted, and none have affiliations or ideologies contrary to Egyptian, Tunisian, or Libyan policy.”

Politically, the Egyptian Foreign Ministry stipulated that all participants must first obtain visas, and then secure prior approval to travel to the Gaza border— measures widely seen as the first step in placing obstacles in the convoy’s path.

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Simultaneously, Egyptian security forces launched a crackdown on activists involved in the Global Solidarity March to Gaza, which was to depart from Cairo and merge with the Caravan of Steadfastness at the Rafah crossing. Approximately 400 individuals were deported, including the spokesperson for the march, Seif Abu Kashek, according to Egyptian security sources cited by Reuters.

An Israeli request

It became increasingly clear that Cairo was not at all welcoming of the convoy—possibly due to security concerns, the risk of infiltration by undesirable elements, fears of setting a precedent for future convoys, or a desire to avoid upsetting Tel Aviv, with which Egypt has maintained a peace agreement since 1979.

Israeli Defence Minister Yoav Gallant had publicly urged Egyptian authorities to prevent what he called “jihadist protesters” from reaching the Egyptian Israeli border, claiming their presence would endanger Israeli soldiers.

Through its ally in eastern Libya, General Khalifa Haftar, Cairo pressured authorities to block the convoy’s onward journey. Organisers reported that they were denied logistical support, including access to food supplies, internet, and telecommunications.

A Libyan government official from the east, speaking to Mada Masr (an independent outlet), confirmed the decision was coordinated with Egyptian officials who requested the convoy be barred from crossing to avoid embarrassing Cairo. This matched another source’s account, who confirmed Egypt had communicated with neighbouring states to prevent convoy participants from entering Egyptian territory for “security and sovereignty” reasons.

According to an unnamed Egyptian political analyst, such a move was anticipated, as allowing the convoy through could have created an immensely awkward political and security situation—especially if Israel detained any of the activists, thereby turning the border into a flashpoint for pressure on Cairo.

Egyptian complicity

Egypt’s aggressive handling of the solidarity march led to injuries among participants—including Turkish MP Faruk Dinc—and the confiscation of dozens of passports, around 45 kilometres east of Cairo.

Footage shared by activists showed dozens of individuals detained at Cairo Airport for up to 24 hours under harsh conditions, with their passports seized before they were forcibly deported. These incidents drew widespread human rights criticism and strengthened growing accusations that the administration of President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi is complicit in the blockade of Gaza.

The Berlin-based Foundation for Law and Democracy stated in a press release: “Egypt’s continued prevention of these convoys effectively reinforces Israel’s unlawful blockade of over two million Palestinians in Gaza.”

READ: Hundreds of Gaza babies at risk as hospitals run out of baby formula

A local aid source told Middle East Monitor—on condition of anonymity—that Egyptian authorities enforce strict controls on fundraising for Gaza and prohibit public campaigns or mass events in support of the Palestinian cause.

Steadfastness 2

Some analysts believe Egypt deliberately thwarted the convoy as a pre-emptive measure to quash any future initiatives towards Gaza and to avoid provoking Israel amid heightened tensions with Iran.

Others argue Egypt’s official position reflects a degree of prudence—aimed at avoiding escalations with Tel Aviv should the convoy spiral out of control or come under Israeli attack. In such a case, Cairo would likely face blame for failing to protect the participants.

From this perspective, Egypt views these convoys as part of a “hybrid war” targeting Egypt itself rather than Israel, which is waging a war of extermination, blockade, and starvation. This view, according to political analyst Hamdi al-Masri, ignores the fragile security conditions along the border, the American pressure on Cairo, Egypt’s role in mediating ceasefire negotiations, and its publicly declared plan to rebuild the Gaza Strip.

Yet the peaceful mobilisation to break the siege on Gaza is far from over. As convoy spokesperson Wael Nawar stated: “We returned to Tunisia after exhausting all possible avenues to cross. The Caravan of Steadfastness was just the first step in building connections, and we will try again stronger and more effectively.”

According to Nawar, Caravan of Steadfastness 2 may launch in the coming months. Discussions are underway to assess the experience, identify strengths and shortcomings, and avoid past missteps. This could bring Egypt back into confrontation once again, leaving the looming question: will President El-Sisi continue to block future efforts to break the siege on Gaza?

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The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.